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Ομιλία Γκέμ	
60;ελς μετά τις
; 20 Ιουλίου 1944
By: National Bolshevik Date: July 26, 2016, 7:56 pm
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Τη βάζω για
ιστορικούς
λόγους
επειδή
βαριέμαι να
μπαίνω σα
γκεστ.
Ομιλία
Γκέμπελς
μετά την
απόπειρα
δολοφονίας
του Χίτλερ
German men and women!
The one good aspect to 20 July was that it brought each of us to
attention. Suddenly the nation stood before an abyss and peered
into its terrifying depth. Everyone realized what the failed
attempt against the Führer and his top military advisors would
have meant. The whole nation realized that its very existence
might have ended had the plans of the traitorous Putsch clique
succeeded. It is easy to sit in judgment of this or that measure
when a strong government is in control. That does not
necessarily mean one does not support the government. A nation
realizes what such a government means only when it for a moment
faces the possibility of losing it. Only then does the nation
see the real value of an authority that everyone takes for
granted, and to which everyone, without exception, gives the
right to rule and to decide. What would these nitpickers do if
that authority suddenly disappeared? At such a time as this, a
strong hand at the helm is the most important prerequisite to
keep things going, and ultimately to win the victory. Few
successes are the result of luck or accident; nearly all have to
be won in a hard battle with fate. The historical burdens bound
to such successes can only be mastered by a personality of
historic scale. If that personality is lacking, the struggle is
hopeless from the start.
The German people made major decisions on 20 July and the days
following and the leadership could not and did not hesitate to
carry them out. None of these decisions weakened us; all of them
were aimed at increasing and concentrating our war effort. There
is no more eloquent proof of the level of German war morale. A
nation that after five years of such a war has no thought but to
work harder and fight more bravely than ever before, and that
responds to such an attack on the life of its Führer, and
thereby its own life, with such a wave of confidence and faith,
is certain of victory. It need only work resolutely and loyally,
undismayed by the dangers and difficulties it faces. At the end
of the war the balance will be drawn. Victory can be won neither
by cheating nor swindling; the nations must win it honestly, and
each action or lack of action is a step toward it or away from
it. If 20 July has any larger meaning it is this: It brought
each one of us back to the essence of our struggle for existence
and reminded us that we have overcome many obstacles in the
past, but there are things still worse that could not be
overcome.
The total war that is to be realized step by step has both a
moral and a material side. It is true that the duties and
obligations of each German toward the war effort are laid out
more extensively than before in laws, regulations and rules.
However, there remains room for individual initiative. It is
more than a matter of bringing to bear the not yet fully used
reserves of German fighting and working strength. The war is
more than a military, political, and economic matter. It is also
a matter of morale and worldview, and we must deal with them
along with the material issues. Each of us must start with
himself, if he wants to change the course of the war in the way
each of us longs for. Many of us have given ourselves too much
consideration, and have not become stronger and firmer as a
result. One individual passed along the hardest burdens of the
war to another, who in turn decided he was not up to them
either, and that the war could and would be won without him.
This viewpoint is as despicable as it is ominous. We find
ourselves in no bed of roses, and must use our full strength if
our chances of victory are to remain undiminished. More than
ever before, we are a fighting community on board the same ship
that is plowing through stormy seas. It will either bring us all
safely to the secure harbor of a happy peace, or we will all go
down together with it.
If we are to take total war seriously, as more than an empty
phrase, each must draw the proper conclusions both for his work
and for his personal life style. Up until now we boasted about
all left over from peace that was still ours in this fifth year
of the war. Now we must learn to boast about what we have thrown
overboard. A simple, spartan lifestyle does not have to be
unhealthy. The more we adjust our lives to the realities of war,
the more we benefit our cause, which we all want to see triumph.
It is no great honor for us that one hardly notices the war in
public life, save in those areas suffering air attacks. In the
future, the war should be everywhere evident. Every foreign
visitor should encounter the war everywhere, and see that he is
in a nation that is fighting for its life and future, and that
is determined to make every necessary sacrifice. Only fools
think this will diminish our national prestige. Rather, our
friends will admire us and our foes will fear us. The more we
bow to the demands of the war, the sooner it will bend to our
will. An old proverb says that a nation should think only of war
during peace. How much more true is this during war! Nothing
takes precedence over the war effort. The more consistently we
realize this, the easier it will be to give up the last remnants
of peace and serve only the war effort.
We have often said that this is not a matter of fundamentals
that we want to maintain forever. We are the last to call for
primitivizing public and private life. When, however, there is
no other alternative, we must have the courage to toss overboard
all the old comforts and conveniences. We will soon see how
little we miss them. We know that there are countless millions
in our nation who are ready to make any sacrifice, as long as
they do not have to fear that their neighbor will fail to join
them, leaving them looking like a fool. They do not need to
worry. The total war we are waging is on the one hand a matter
of each individual doing what obviously has to be done, but it
is also a matter of law and penalties. We cannot allow millions
of German women to work ten or twelve hours a day while a few
thousand do no work at all, for example. And they may not
believe that they can meet their duty to the nation by some sort
of make-work for their father or uncle. We will take the
necessary action against such elements. They sin not only
against the material requirements of the war effort, they also
harm our morale.
I can say this for myself, that if I shall repent in my life of
anything, it will not be of the twenty three years that I have
been working under the leadership of the Führer, but of those
few early days when I thought that the Führer was too much in a
hurry, was forcing events, was committing a mistake, and that I
would have to oppose him. It is now as clear as noonday that if
the German people, under the Führer's leadership, had not seized
power in time in that fateful January of 1933, we should, a few
weeks later, have had the dictatorship of the most ruthless,
most unscrupulous Jewish rascals, with the Red Army at the gates
of Barlin! (Loud and continued applause). It is known now that
it had been decided to massacre all of us by February 1933, and
if the Communists had had more weapons at their disposal, they
would have done so. Even after January 30 the Communists
intended to massacre us, and one of their members, Lubbe, even
recruited people for the purpose.
Eleven years later, the putschist Stauffenberg admitted himself,
that he had succeeded in scraping together 5,000 champions - of
a very doubtful quality - to stage a rebellion and cause anarchy
in Germany after the death of the Führer. There was the will,
but there was not the way. The bomb of the traitors could not
kill the Führer, could not kill the German people!
That is why the man who has accomplished such work is entitled
to immortality. That is why a blow directed against him is
received by everybody as a blow directed against themselves.
Field Marshal Keitel was right when he said in Rastenburg: ‘When
the Führer is cruelly wounded, our own lives seemed so
superfluous, so unimportant....’
The Führer has been frequently compared with Gustavus Adolphus,
but fate was kinder to him than to Gustavus Adolphus, who became
dear to his people after his death. Our teacher and leader came
within hair’s breadth of death. He was dear enough to our people
even before the attempt, but now, after that treacherous
attempt, he will become a thousand times dearer to the hearts of
the working class. Gustavus lived still in the memory of his
people a long time after his physical life had been cut, but
Hitler will live long yet, not only in our minds and hearts, but
also in our ranks, in order to fight with us and to carry to a
triumphant conclusion the war of liberation of Europe. (Storm of
applause).
Yes, a Gustavus Adolphus closely connected with the millions of
the urban and rural masses. That is Hitler. Take the fanatical
devotion to the Nordic soldiers which distinguished Gustavus;
take his integrity, his simplicity, his intimate knowledge of
the soul of the people, take his elemental faith in the
inexhaustible strength of the ‘lowest of the lowly’, take all
this and add to it the first-class education of a National
Socialist, an iron will, an acute analytical mind, and you will
get Hitler such as we know him now. A National Socialist is just
a Nordic soldier who had tied up his fate with the most advanced
ideal of modern times. The figure of the leader of the civilized
European people, Hitler, will yet throw into shade the glory of
the most glorious of the Nordic fighters of the time of the
Thirty Years War.
He was never forgiven by the old system for having once declared
in the Reichstag: ‘I hate your order; yes, I am a deadly enemy
of your entire bourgeois society.’ And the same Hitler used to
say: ‘When I am praised by the bourgeoisie, I ask myself, “What
folly have you committed to have merited the praises of these
cannibals?”’ The hidden enemies of the German people, the
Stauffenbergs and the Kluges still hate him for that, and he is
proud of it. At the tensest moment of struggle, Hitler is fond
of repeating, as he did on the eve of the Revolution, the poet’s
words: ‘We get our approbation not in the sweet murmur of
praise, but in our enemy’s wild shouts of rage.’ This is
characteristic of Hitler. These words are Hitler himself. The
Führer quotes poetry but seldom, but in this case he used it
with good reason. The wild shouts of rage of the enemies of the
German people have ever been the best music to the Führer's ear.
The greater the rage of the enemies, the more calm and assured
Hitler is.
Again, the Führer is fond of comparing our cause with a rushing
railway engine. Indeed, our railway engine rushes with a dizzy
swiftness, but then our driver manages the engine as no else
can. His eye is sharp, and his hand is firm and will not tremble
for one second even at the most dangerous culverts. Fate gave us
a sign on 20 July. Forces were at work that wanted evil, but
brought about good. We will not be idle. We will obey the call
of duty, wherever and whenever we hear it, and know that our
actions will bring about victory. It cannot be otherwise. This
is a unique war effort, unprecedented in its length and
hardness. We have grown through it such that we can master the
growing difficulties.
At this moment our leader has fully recovered. For a moment he
struggled with death, but he has vanquished it, and he still
lives. This is symbolic. At one time it looked as if our cause
had been mortally wounded. It is at present coming round again,
as our leader Adolf Hitler is coming round; the clouds will
scatter, and we shall vanquish all our enemies. (Storm of
applause.)
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