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       #Post#: 23911--------------------------------------------------
       Ομιλία Γκέμ&#9
       60;ελς μετά τι&#962
       ; 20 Ιουλίου 1944
       By: National Bolshevik Date: July 26, 2016, 7:56 pm
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       Τη βάζω για
       ιστορικούς
       λόγους
       επειδή
       βαριέμαι να
       μπαίνω σα
       γκεστ.
       Ομιλία
       Γκέμπελς
       μετά την
       απόπειρα
       δολοφονίας
       του Χίτλερ
       German men and women!
       The one good aspect to 20 July was that it brought each of us to
       attention. Suddenly the nation stood before an abyss and peered
       into its terrifying depth. Everyone realized what the failed
       attempt against the Führer and his top military advisors would
       have meant. The whole nation realized that its very existence
       might have ended had the plans of the traitorous Putsch clique
       succeeded. It is easy to sit in judgment of this or that measure
       when a strong government is in control. That does not
       necessarily mean one does not support the government. A nation
       realizes what such a government means only when it for a moment
       faces the possibility of losing it. Only then does the nation
       see the real value of an authority that everyone takes for
       granted, and to which everyone, without exception, gives the
       right to rule and to decide. What would these nitpickers do if
       that authority suddenly disappeared? At such a time as this, a
       strong hand at the helm is the most important prerequisite to
       keep things going, and ultimately to win the victory. Few
       successes are the result of luck or accident; nearly all have to
       be won in a hard battle with fate. The historical burdens bound
       to such successes can only be mastered by a personality of
       historic scale. If that personality is lacking, the struggle is
       hopeless from the start.
       The German people made major decisions on 20 July and the days
       following and the leadership could not and did not hesitate to
       carry them out. None of these decisions weakened us; all of them
       were aimed at increasing and concentrating our war effort. There
       is no more eloquent proof of the level of German war morale. A
       nation that after five years of such a war has no thought but to
       work harder and fight more bravely than ever before, and that
       responds to such an attack on the life of its Führer, and
       thereby its own life, with such a wave of confidence and faith,
       is certain of victory. It need only work resolutely and loyally,
       undismayed by the dangers and difficulties it faces. At the end
       of the war the balance will be drawn. Victory can be won neither
       by cheating nor swindling; the nations must win it honestly, and
       each action or lack of action is a step toward it or away from
       it. If 20 July has any larger meaning it is this: It brought
       each one of us back to the essence of our struggle for existence
       and reminded us that we have overcome many obstacles in the
       past, but there are things still worse that could not be
       overcome.
       The total war that is to be realized step by step has both a
       moral and a material side. It is true that the duties and
       obligations of each German toward the war effort are laid out
       more extensively than before in laws, regulations and rules.
       However, there remains room for individual initiative. It is
       more than a matter of bringing to bear the not yet fully used
       reserves of German fighting and working strength. The war is
       more than a military, political, and economic matter. It is also
       a matter of morale and worldview, and we must deal with them
       along with the material issues. Each of us must start with
       himself, if he wants to change the course of the war in the way
       each of us longs for. Many of us have given ourselves too much
       consideration, and have not become stronger and firmer as a
       result. One individual passed along the hardest burdens of the
       war to another, who in turn decided he was not up to them
       either, and that the war could and would be won without him.
       This viewpoint is as despicable as it is ominous. We find
       ourselves in no bed of roses, and must use our full strength if
       our chances of victory are to remain undiminished. More than
       ever before, we are a fighting community on board the same ship
       that is plowing through stormy seas. It will either bring us all
       safely to the secure harbor of a happy peace, or we will all go
       down together with it.
       If we are to take total war seriously, as more than an empty
       phrase, each must draw the proper conclusions both for his work
       and for his personal life style. Up until now we boasted about
       all left over from peace that was still ours in this fifth year
       of the war. Now we must learn to boast about what we have thrown
       overboard. A simple, spartan lifestyle does not have to be
       unhealthy. The more we adjust our lives to the realities of war,
       the more we benefit our cause, which we all want to see triumph.
       It is no great honor for us that one hardly notices the war in
       public life, save in those areas suffering air attacks. In the
       future, the war should be everywhere evident. Every foreign
       visitor should encounter the war everywhere, and see that he is
       in a nation that is fighting for its life and future, and that
       is determined to make every necessary sacrifice. Only fools
       think this will diminish our national prestige. Rather, our
       friends will admire us and our foes will fear us. The more we
       bow to the demands of the war, the sooner it will bend to our
       will. An old proverb says that a nation should think only of war
       during peace. How much more true is this during war! Nothing
       takes precedence over the war effort. The more consistently we
       realize this, the easier it will be to give up the last remnants
       of peace and serve only the war effort.
       We have often said that this is not a matter of fundamentals
       that we want to maintain forever. We are the last to call for
       primitivizing public and private life. When, however, there is
       no other alternative, we must have the courage to toss overboard
       all the old comforts and conveniences. We will soon see how
       little we miss them. We know that there are countless millions
       in our nation who are ready to make any sacrifice, as long as
       they do not have to fear that their neighbor will fail to join
       them, leaving them looking like a fool. They do not need to
       worry. The total war we are waging is on the one hand a matter
       of each individual doing what obviously has to be done, but it
       is also a matter of law and penalties. We cannot allow millions
       of German women to work ten or twelve hours a day while a few
       thousand do no work at all, for example. And they may not
       believe that they can meet their duty to the nation by some sort
       of make-work for their father or uncle. We will take the
       necessary action against such elements. They sin not only
       against the material requirements of the war effort, they also
       harm our morale.
       I can say this for myself, that if I shall repent in my life of
       anything, it will not be of the twenty three years that I have
       been working under the leadership of the Führer, but of those
       few early days when I thought that the Führer was too much in a
       hurry, was forcing events, was committing a mistake, and that I
       would have to oppose him. It is now as clear as noonday that if
       the German people, under the Führer's leadership, had not seized
       power in time in that fateful January of 1933, we should, a few
       weeks later, have had the dictatorship of the most ruthless,
       most unscrupulous Jewish rascals, with the Red Army at the gates
       of Barlin! (Loud and continued applause). It is known now that
       it had been decided to massacre all of us by February 1933, and
       if the Communists had had more weapons at their disposal, they
       would have done so. Even after January 30 the Communists
       intended to massacre us, and one of their members, Lubbe, even
       recruited people for the purpose.
       Eleven years later, the putschist Stauffenberg admitted himself,
       that he had succeeded in scraping together 5,000 champions - of
       a very doubtful quality - to stage a rebellion and cause anarchy
       in Germany after the death of the Führer. There was the will,
       but there was not the way. The bomb of the traitors could not
       kill the Führer, could not kill the German people!
       That is why the man who has accomplished such work is entitled
       to immortality. That is why a blow directed against him is
       received by everybody as a blow directed against themselves.
       Field Marshal Keitel was right when he said in Rastenburg: ‘When
       the Führer is cruelly wounded, our own lives seemed so
       superfluous, so unimportant....’
       The Führer has been frequently compared with Gustavus Adolphus,
       but fate was kinder to him than to Gustavus Adolphus, who became
       dear to his people after his death. Our teacher and leader came
       within hair’s breadth of death. He was dear enough to our people
       even before the attempt, but now, after that treacherous
       attempt, he will become a thousand times dearer to the hearts of
       the working class. Gustavus lived still in the memory of his
       people a long time after his physical life had been cut, but
       Hitler will live long yet, not only in our minds and hearts, but
       also in our ranks, in order to fight with us and to carry to a
       triumphant conclusion the war of liberation of Europe. (Storm of
       applause).
       Yes, a Gustavus Adolphus closely connected with the millions of
       the urban and rural masses. That is Hitler. Take the fanatical
       devotion to the Nordic soldiers which distinguished Gustavus;
       take his integrity, his simplicity, his intimate knowledge of
       the soul of the people, take his elemental faith in the
       inexhaustible strength of the ‘lowest of the lowly’, take all
       this and add to it the first-class education of a National
       Socialist, an iron will, an acute analytical mind, and you will
       get Hitler such as we know him now. A National Socialist is just
       a Nordic soldier who had tied up his fate with the most advanced
       ideal of modern times. The figure of the leader of the civilized
       European people, Hitler, will yet throw into shade the glory of
       the most glorious of the Nordic fighters of the time of the
       Thirty Years War.
       He was never forgiven by the old system for having once declared
       in the Reichstag: ‘I hate your order; yes, I am a deadly enemy
       of your entire bourgeois society.’ And the same Hitler used to
       say: ‘When I am praised by the bourgeoisie, I ask myself, “What
       folly have you committed to have merited the praises of these
       cannibals?”’ The hidden enemies of the German people, the
       Stauffenbergs and the Kluges still hate him for that, and he is
       proud of it. At the tensest moment of struggle, Hitler is fond
       of repeating, as he did on the eve of the Revolution, the poet’s
       words: ‘We get our approbation not in the sweet murmur of
       praise, but in our enemy’s wild shouts of rage.’ This is
       characteristic of Hitler. These words are Hitler himself. The
       Führer quotes poetry but seldom, but in this case he used it
       with good reason. The wild shouts of rage of the enemies of the
       German people have ever been the best music to the Führer's ear.
       The greater the rage of the enemies, the more calm and assured
       Hitler is.
       Again, the Führer is fond of comparing our cause with a rushing
       railway engine. Indeed, our railway engine rushes with a dizzy
       swiftness, but then our driver manages the engine as no else
       can. His eye is sharp, and his hand is firm and will not tremble
       for one second even at the most dangerous culverts. Fate gave us
       a sign on 20 July. Forces were at work that wanted evil, but
       brought about good. We will not be idle. We will obey the call
       of duty, wherever and whenever we hear it, and know that our
       actions will bring about victory. It cannot be otherwise. This
       is a unique war effort, unprecedented in its length and
       hardness. We have grown through it such that we can master the
       growing difficulties.
       At this moment our leader has fully recovered. For a moment he
       struggled with death, but he has vanquished it, and he still
       lives. This is symbolic. At one time it looked as if our cause
       had been mortally wounded. It is at present coming round again,
       as our leader Adolf Hitler is coming round; the clouds will
       scatter, and we shall vanquish all our enemies. (Storm of
       applause.)
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