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#Post#: 20281--------------------------------------------------
Διάγγελμα Χ	
43;τλερ (22-6-1941)
By: Long Knives 88 Date: January 12, 2016, 7:11 am
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German people!
National Socialists!
After long months when I was forced to keep silent, despite
heavy concerns, the time has come when I can finally speak
openly.
When the German Reich received England’s declaration of war on 3
September 1939, the British attempted once again to frustrate
any attempt to begin a consolidation, and thus a strengthening,
of Europe by fighting the then strongest power on the Continent.
England formerly destroyed Spain through many wars.
For the same reason it waged its wars against Holland.
With the help of all of Europe it later fought France.
And around the turn of the century, it began to encircle the
German Reich and it began the World War in 1914.
Germany was defeated in 1918 only because of its inner disunity.
The results were terrible. After first hypocritically declaring
to be fighting only against the Kaiser and his regime, they
began the systematic destruction of the German Reich after the
German army had laid down its arms. As the prophecy of a French
statesman, who had said that there were twenty million Germans
too many, began to be fulfilled through starvation, disease, or
emigration, the National Socialist movement began building the
unity of the German people, thereby preparing the rebirth of the
Reich.
This new revival of our people from poverty, misery, and
shameful contempt was a sign of a pure internal rebirth. England
was not affected, much less threatened, by this. Nonetheless, it
immediately renewed its hateful policy of encirclement against
Germany. Both at home and abroad, we faced the plot we all know
about between Jews and democrats, Bolshevists and reactionaries,
all with the same goal: to prevent the establishment of a new
people’s state, to plunge the Reich again into impotence and
misery.
The hatred of this international world conspiracy was directed
not only against us, but also against those peoples who also had
been neglected by Fortune, who could earn their daily bread only
through the hardest struggle. Italy and Japan above all,
alongside Germany, were almost forbidden to enjoy their share of
the wealth of the world. The alliance between these nations was,
therefore, only an act of self-defense against a threatening,
egotistical world coalition of wealth and power.
As early as 1936, according to the testimony of the American
General Wood to a committee of the American House of
Representatives, Churchill had said that Germany was becoming
too strong again, and that it therefore had to be destroyed.
In summer 1939, England thought that the time had come to renew
its attempts to destroy Germany by a policy of encirclement.
Their method was to begin a campaign of lies. They declared that
Germany threatened other peoples. They then provided an English
guarantee of support and assistance, next, as in the World War,
let them march against Germany.
Thus between May and August 1939, England succeeded in spreading
the claim throughout the world that Germany directly threatened
Lithuania, Estonia, Latvia, Finland, Bessarabia, and even the
Ukraine. Some of these nations allowed themselves to be misled,
accepting the promises of support that were offered, and thereby
joined the new attempt to encircle Germany.
Under these circumstances, I believed that I was called by my
conscience, and by the history of the German people, to assure
not only these nations and their governments that these British
accusations were untrue, but also to reassure the strongest
power in the East through formal declarations that our interests
did not conflict.
National Socialists!
You probably all felt that this was a bitter and difficult step
for me. The German people have never had hostile feelings toward
the peoples of Russia. During the last two decades, however, the
Jewish-Bolshevist rulers in Moscow have attempted to set not
only Germany, but all of Europe, aflame. Germany has never
attempted to spread its National Socialist worldview to Russia.
Rather, the Jewish-Bolshevist rulers in Moscow have constantly
attempted to subject us and the other European peoples to their
rule. They have attempted this not only intellectually, but
above all through military means.
The results of their efforts, in every nation, were only chaos,
misery, and starvation.
I, on the other hand, have tried for two decades to build a new
socialist order in Germany, with a minimum of interference and
without harming our productive capacity. This has not only
eliminated unemployment, but also the profits of labor have
flowed increasingly to working people.
The results of our policies are unique in all the world. Our
economic and social reorganization has led to the systematic
elimination of social and class barriers, with the goal of a
true people’s community.
It was, therefore, difficult for me in August 1939 to send my
minister to Moscow to attempt to work against Britain’s plans to
encircle Germany. I did it only because of my sense of
responsibility to the German people, above all in the hope of
reaching a lasting understanding and perhaps avoiding the
sacrifice that would otherwise be demanded of us.
With the exception of Lithuania, Germany declared that those
areas and nations were outside Germany’s political interests.
There was a special provision in the case that England succeeded
in inciting Poland into war against Germany. But here, too,
German claims were moderate, and in no relation to the
accomplishments of German arms.
National Socialists!
The results of the treaty, which I sought in the interests of
the German people, were particularly severe for Germans living
in the affected nations.
Over half a million German people’s comrades — all of them small
farmers, craftsmen, and workers — were forced, almost overnight,
to leave their former homes to escape a new government that
threatened them with vast misery, and sooner or later, with
complete extermination (Ausrottung).
Even so, thousands of Germans disappeared! It was impossible to
learn what had happened to them, or even where they were. More
than 160 of them were men holding German citizenship.
I kept silent about all this, because I had to keep silent! My
wish was for final agreement with this state, and if possible a
lasting settlement.
But even during our march into Poland, in violation of the
treaty, the Soviet rulers suddenly claimed Lithuania.
The German Reich never intended to occupy Lithuania, and never
made any such demand on Lithuania. To the contrary, it turned
down the request by the Lithuanian government to send German
troops there, since that did not correspond to the goals of
German policy.
Nonetheless, I accepted this new Russian demand. But that was
only the beginning of ever new demands.
The victory on Poland, gained exclusively by German troops, gave
me the occasion to extend a new offer of peace to the Western
powers. It was rejected by the international and Jewish
warmongers.
The reason was that England still hoped to mobilize a European
coalition against Germany that would include the Balkans and
Soviet Russia.
Those in London decided to send Ambassador Cripps to Moscow. He
has clear orders to improve relations between England and Soviet
Russia, and to develop them along lines England wanted. The
English press reported on the progress of his mission, as long
as they were not silent for tactical reasons.
The first results were evident in fall 1939 and spring 1940.
Russia justified its attempts to subject not only Finland, but
also the Baltic states, by the sudden false and absurd claim
that it was protecting them from a foreign threat, or that it
was acting to prevent that threat. Only Germany could have been
meant. No other power could enter the Baltic Sea, or wage war
there. I still had to remain silent. The rulers of the Kremlin
continued.
Consistent with the so-called friendship treaty, Germany removed
its troops far from its eastern border in spring 1940. Russian
forces were already moving in, and in numbers that could only be
seen as a clear threat to Germany.
According to a statement by Molotov, there were already 22
Russian divisions in the Baltic states in spring 1940.
Although the Russian government always claimed that the troops
were there at the request of the people who lived there, their
purpose could only be seen as a demonstration aimed at Germany.
As our soldiers attacked French-British forces in the west, the
extent of the Russian advance on our eastern front grew ever
more threatening.
In August 1940, I concluded that, given the increasing number of
powerful Bolshevist divisions, it was no longer in the interests
of the Reich to leave the eastern provinces, so often devastated
by war, unprotected.
This, however, is exactly what the British and Soviets had
hoped. The fact that so much of the German forces, in particular
the air force, was tied down in the east made it impossible for
the German leadership to bring a radical end to the war in the
West.
This was the goal of both British and Soviet Russian policy.
Both England and Soviet Russia wanted to prolong this war as
long as possible in order to weaken all of Europe and plunge it
into ever greater impotence.
Russia’s threatened attack on Rumania was intended not only to
take over an important element in the economic life not only of
Germany, but of Europe as whole, or at least to destroy it.
With boundless patience, the German Reich attempted after 1933
to win over the southeastern European states as trading
partners. We, therefore, had the greatest possible interest in
their domestic stability and order. Russia’s entrance into
Rumania and Greece’s ties to England threatened to rapidly
transform this area into a general battleground.
Despite our principles and customs, and despite the fact that
the Rumanian government had brought on these troubles itself, I
urgently advised them, for the sake of peace, to bow to Soviet
extortion and cede Bessarabia.
The Rumanian government, however, believed that it could justify
this step to its own people only if Germany and Italy in return
guaranteed the security of its remaining territory. I did this
with a heavy heart. When the German government gives a
guarantee, it will stand by it. We are neither English nor
Jewish.
I thus believed that I had saved peace at the last moment, even
if at the cost of a heavy obligation. To reach a final
resolution of these problems and to clarify Russian intentions
toward the Reich, as well as under the pressure of steadily
increasing mobilization along our eastern border, I invited Mr.
Molotov to come to Berlin.
The Soviet foreign minister demanded further clarification from
Germany on the following four questions:
Molotov’s first question:
Does Germany’s guarantee for Rumania in the event of an attack
mean war with Russia in the event of an attack Soviet Russia?
My answer:
The German guarantee is broad and obligates us absolutely.
Russia has never told us that it has any interest in Rumania
outside Bessarabia. The occupation of northern Bukowina was
already a violation of this assurance. I therefore do not
believe that Russia could have any further claims on Rumania.
Molotov’s second question:
Russia feels itself threatened by Finland again. Russia is
unwilling to tolerate this. Is Germany ready to provide no
support for Finland, and above all to withdraw the German troops
in Kirkenes?
My answer:
As in the past, Germany has no political interests in Finland.
However, the German government cannot accept a new Russian war
against the tiny Finnish people, particularly since we could
never believe that Finland threatens Russia. However, we do not
want war in the Baltic Sea.
Molotov’s third question:
Is Germany willing for Soviet Russia to provide a guarantee to
Bulgaria, and to send Soviet-Russian troops to Bulgaria for this
purpose — although he (Molotov) wished to say that they did not
have the intention of removing the king.
My answer:
Bulgaria is a sovereign state, and I did not know that, just as
Rumania had asked for a German guarantee, Bulgaria has asked for
one from Soviet Russia. I would also have to discuss the matter
with my allies.
Molotov’s fourth question:
Soviet Russia absolutely requires free passage through the
Dardanelle, and also demands, for its protection, several
important positions on the Dardanelle or along the Bosporus. Is
Germany willing to agree to this or not?
My answer:
Germany is ready at any time to agree to changes in the Statute
of Montreux that benefit the Black Sea states. Germany is not
willing to approve Russian bases on the straights.
National Socialists!
I behaved as the responsible leader of the German Reich, but
also as a responsible representative of European culture and
civilization.
The result was an increase in Soviet Russian activity against
the Reich, above all the immediate beginning of efforts to
subvert the new Rumanian state and an attempt to use propaganda
to eliminate the Bulgarian government.
With the help of confused and immature people, the Rumanian
Legion succeeded in organizing a coup that removed General
Antonescu and plunged the nation into chaos. By removing legal
authority, they also removed the grounds for Germany to act on
its guarantee.
Still, I believed it best to remain silent.
Immediately after this enterprise collapsed, there was a new
increase in Russian troops along the German eastern border.
Increasing numbers of tank and parachute divisions threatened
the German border. The German army, and the German homeland,
know that until a few weeks ago, there was not a single German
tank or motorized division on our eastern border.
If anyone needed final proof of the carefully hidden coalition
between England and Soviet Russia, the conflict in Yugoslavia
provided it. While I was making a last attempt to keep peace in
the Balkans, and in agreement with the Duce invited Yugoslavia
to join the Three Power Pact, England and Soviet Russia
organized a coup that toppled the government that was ready for
such an agreement.
The German people can now be told that the Serbian coup against
Germany was under both the English and Soviet Russian flags.
Since we were silent, the Soviet Russian government went a step
further. Not only did they organize a Putsch, but signed a
treaty of friendship with their new lackeys a few days later
that was intended to strengthen Serbia’s resistance to peace in
the Balkans, and turn it against Germany. It was no platonic
effort, either.
Moscow demanded that the Serbian army mobilize.
Since I still believed that it was better not to speak, the
rulers of the Kremlin took a further step.
The German government now possesses documents that prove that,
to bring Serbia into the battle, Russia promised to provide it
with weapons, airplanes, ammunition, and other war material
through Salonika.
That happened at almost the same moment that I was giving the
Japanese Foreign Minister Dr. Matsuoka the advice to maintain
good relations with Russia, in the hope of maintaining peace.
Only the rapid breakthrough of our incomparable divisions into
Skopje and the capture of Salonika prevented the realization of
this Soviet Russian-Anglo-Saxon plot. Serbian air force
officers, however, fled to Russia and were immediately welcomed
as allies.
Only the victory of the Axis powers in the Balkans frustrated
the plan of involving Germany in battle in the southeast for
months, allowing the Soviet Russian armies to complete their
march and increase their readiness for action. Together with
England, and with the hoped for American supplies, they would
have been ready to strangle and defeat the German Reich and
Italy.
Thus Moscow not only broke our treaty of friendship, but
betrayed it!
They did all this while the powers in the Kremlin, to the very
last minute, hypocritically attempted to favor peace and
friendship, just as they had with Finland or Rumania.
I was forced by circumstances to keep silent in the past. Now
the moment has come when further silence would be not only a
sin, but a crime against the German people, against all Europe.
Today, about 160 Russian divisions stand at our border. There
have been steady border violations for weeks, and not only on
our border, but in the far north, and also in Rumania. Russian
pilots make a habit of ignoring the border, perhaps to show us
that they already feel as if they are in control.
During the night of 17-18 June, Russian patrols again crossed
the German border and could only be repelled after a long
battle.
Now the hour has come when it is necessary to respond to his
plot by Jewish-Anglo-Saxon warmongers and the Jewish rulers of
Moscow’s Bolshevist headquarters.
German people!
At this moment, an attack unprecedented in the history of the
world in its extent and size has begun. With Finnish comrades,
the victors of Narvik stand by the Arctic Sea. German divisions,
under the command of the conqueror of Norway, together with the
heroes of Finland’s freedom and their marshal, defend Finnish
soil. On the Eastern Front, German formations extend from East
Prussia to the Carpathians. From the banks of the Pruth River,
from the lower Danube to the Black Sea, German and Romanian
soldiers are united under state leader Antonescu.
The purpose of this front is no longer the protection of the
individual nations, but rather the safety of Europe, and
therefore the salvation of everyone.
I have therefore decided today once again to put the fate of
Germany and the future of the German Reich and our people in the
hands of our soldiers.
May God help us in this battle
#Post#: 20283--------------------------------------------------
Re: Διάγγελμα Χ
;ίτλερ (22-6-1941)
By: mistermax Date: January 12, 2016, 7:20 am
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[quote]The purpose of this front is no longer the protection of
the individual nations, but rather the safety of Europe, and
therefore the salvation of everyone.
[/quote]
πάλι σε
αυτοάμυνα ο
χιτλερ.... :'(
υγ-καλα ρε
γουστάρετε
vintage σανό;
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