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#Post#: 8479--------------------------------------------------
Απόφαση
Ολομέλειας
ΠΦΑναρχοκαπιταλιστών
περί ξ
DIR By: DonFringe
Date: December 14, 2013, 1:53 am
---------------------------------------------------------
Απόφαση 29341325ης
Ολομέλειας
ΠΦΑναρχοκαπιταλιστών
περί
ξεπλύματος
χρήματος!
Ως
Παλαιοελευθεριακοί
Φασιστορασιαλιστές
Αναρχοκαπιταλιστές
αποφασίζουμε
και
διακηρύσσουμε
ότι
αποδεχόμαστε
την οσία
πρακτική
του
ξεπλύματος
χρήματος, η
οποία δεν
είναι
τίποτα άλλο
από
προστασία
από και
αποφυγή της
εγκληματικής
μαφίας του
κράτους, ως
συνεπικουρούσα
στο
ευρύτερο
πλαίσιο
δραστηριοτήτων
του
Αντιπολιτικού
Κινήματος
των Ελλήνων
ΠΦΑνκάπς, οι
οποίες
δραστηριότητες
προωθούν
ταυτόχρονα
την
υπεράσπιση
των
συμφερόντων
του Έθνους
και την
υγεία της
Φυλής. Λαός
που δεν
φορολογείται,
είναι Λαός
που νικά.
Καλούμε
όλους τους
Παλαιοελευθεριακούς,
τους
Ρασιαλιστές,
τους
Φασίστες
και τους
γνήσιους
Φιλελεύθερους
να
επιδοθούν
με πάθος και
αφοσίωση
στο άκρως
επαναστατικό
ενάντια
στην
κρατικιστική
καθεστηκυία
τάξη
Ξέπλυμα
Χρήματος
(από εδώ και
στο εξής με
κεφαλαία
γράμματα)
ούτως ώστε
να
συγκεντρώσουν
με
ταχύτερους
ρυθμούς το
ποσό που
απαιτείται
για την
πολιτισμική,
οικονομική,
τεχνολογική
και
κοινωνική
Αναναρχοκαπιταλιστική
Επανάσταση!
Επίσης
καλούμε
όλους όσους
Ξεπλένουν
ήδη Χρήμα,
εμπόρους
ναρκωτικών,
πληρωμένους
δολοφόνους,
μαστροπούς,
ανθρώπους
της νύχτας
κ.α., να
ενώσουν τις
δυνάμεις
και την
τεχνογνωσία
τους με το
δυναμικό
Κίνημα των
Ελλήνων
Παλαιοελευθεριακών
Φασιστορασιαλιστών
Αναρχοκαπιταλιστών.
Θυμηθείτε:
Κάθε
αντι-ξεπλυματικός
νόμος είναι
αντιλευκός
και
κομουνιστικός.
14$$88
(και για να
προλάβω τον
p-max, όχι δεν
δεχόμαστε
στο κίνημα
νταβατζήδες
τύπου
Μπόμπολα,
διότι αυτοί
πληρώνονται
απευθείας
από το
κράτος και
δεν
χρειάζεται
να κάνουν
Ξέπλυμα
Χρήματος. Το
ΞΧ είναι
λαϊκή
εξέγερση,
άμυνα του
Λαού
ενάντια στο
φύσει και
θέσει
"αναρχο"κομμουνιστικό
κράτος, ο
Μπόμπολας
είναι
μεγαλομέτοχος
του κράτους
και το
κράτος τον
πληρώνει
"νόμιμα". )
HTML http://www.counter-currents.com/2013/12/german-big-business-and-the-rise-of-hitler/#more-44185
Print this post Print this post
Funding a Movement:
German Big Business & the Rise of Hitler
Andrew Hamilton
NSFundraiser3,356 words
Money is the oxygen of any political movement, be it the ADL and
SPLC, or white racialism. Starve a movement—or a people—of
money, and you can destroy them. Jews, ever focused on power,
routinely attack white funding sources. Indeed, a major purpose
of the government’s so-called “money-laundering” laws,
ostensibly aimed at “terrorism” and organized crime, is to
destroy political opposition to Zionist thuggery, white
nationalism, and other political movements deemed unacceptable
by the System.
Since money is so important, its role in the rise of National
Socialism in Germany is of more than academic interest to white
racialists determined that their people should survive.
The Left has long maintained that Hitler was put into power by
wealthy white capitalists. This narrative was constructed in the
1920s and ’30s by Communists and Leftists dominant in Germany,
the West, and, of course, the Soviet Union, and promoted by
academics and the media ever since.
The narrative was challenged by Atlanta-born Yale University
historian Henry Ashby Turner in his best-known book, German Big
Business and the Rise of Hitler (New York: Oxford University
Press, 1985), translated into German as Die Grossunternehmer und
der Aufstieg Hitlers (Berlin: Siedler Verlag, 1985). It covers
the period up to 1933. Turner, who died in 2008 at age 76, was
married and had three children and six grandchildren.
Heartfield_Hitler_Salute
1932 front page illustration of the Communist Allgemeine
Illustrierte Zeitung (AIZ) by artist “John Heartfield” (Helmut
Herzfelde), later an artistic fixture of East Germany: “The
Meaning of the Hitler Salute: Little man asks for big gifts.
Motto: Millions Stand Behind Me!”
The 1985 book rebuts the standard claim that German big business
financed and promoted the attainment of power by Adolf Hitler.
It demonstrates that the extent of big business support for
Hitler and the Nazi Party has been greatly exaggerated, even
falsified. Emil Kirdorf and Fritz Thyssen were the only captains
of industry who actively supported the Nazis. Actual sources of
financing for election campaigns and party activities came
mostly from membership dues and contributions by small and
medium-sized businesses. According to William L. Patch of
Washington and Lee University, Turner’s conclusions “are now
accepted by nearly all specialists in the field.”
Turner, who spent 1954–1955 as a Fulbright scholar at the
University of Munich and the Free University of Berlin, knew
German and exhaustively examined original, unpublished records
of large German corporations, trade associations, and the Nazi
Party. (Some of his scholarly work was written and published in
German.)
Unsurprisingly for anyone who has read David Irving, Turner
notes that the documentary sources he consulted had been ignored
by other historians. Mostly Turner cites original documents:
“Only in the case of impeccable scholarly editions have I relied
on published versions of materials I originally used in archival
form” (p. xv).
Also like Irving, Turner is alert to the propaganda pitfalls
ignored by other academics for ideological purposes. He is far
more scrupulous than average about ascertaining the reliability
of sources, and is particularly critical of East German and
other Communist accounts. A colleague noted that Turner believed
that
many ambitious attempts at comparative history—inspired not just
by Marxism but also by Freudian psychoanalysis, theories of
totalitarianism, or modernization theory—had distorted important
factual details of the Nazi rise to support broad [ideological]
generalizations. . . . Turner developed a suspicion that
adherents of Marxism were especially likely to violate basic
rules of historical evidence, but he always displayed similar
skepticism with regard to Freudian psychoanalysis, theories of
totalitarianism, and many other attempts by ambitious social
scientists to fit the case study of the Nazi seizure of power
into a sweeping theory.
This, of course, is precisely what makes his work interesting to
the serious student of history.
Although Fritz Thyssen was a rare big business supporter of
Hitler, Turner was aware that his book I Paid Hitler (1941) is
unreliable. He calls it “purported memoirs” “ghostwritten” by
the “Hungarian” Emery Reves. (He does not reveal that Reves was
actually a well-connected Jewish propagandist.) Turner wrote a
German paper on the subject, “Fritz Thyssen und ‘I Paid
Hitler’,” Vierteljahrshefte für Zeitgeschichte 19 (1971): 225–44
that can be read free online in PDF format.
Turner makes a single passing reference to the other major
English language book on the subject of Nazi funding, James and
Suzanne Pool’s Who Financed Hitler? (1978), which was translated
into German in 1979. He categorizes it among sources that
“violate the rules of historical scholarship so flagrantly as to
render them worthless” (p. xii), adding, “among other things its
authors cited documents from archives they had never visited”
(p. 362 n. 3).
This brings to mind the work of a non-mainstream, anti-Communist
academic and later independent writer not mentioned by Turner,
Antony C. Sutton’s Wall Street and the Rise of Hitler (Seal
Beach, Calif.: ’76 Press, 1976). I own that book, and Sutton
relies heavily not only on the bogus memoirs attributed to
Thyssen, but other fraudulent “authorities” such as Jewish
journalist Ladislas Farago. His untenable thesis is the same as
Leftists’ and Jews’: “The contribution made by American
capitalism to German war preparations before 1940 can only be
described as phenomenal”—“certainly crucial to German military
capabilities.”
Despite Turner’s generally reliable use of sources, he does cite
as authority the German edition of Hermann Rauschning’s phony
The Voice of Destruction/Hitler Speaks (1940), a series of
fictional personal conversations with Hitler, as well as two of
Rauschning’s other works. Emery Reves, the Jew behind Thyssen’s
I Paid Hitler, played a role in fabricating the Rauschning book
as well. Rauschning was a Conservative Revolutionary who fled
Germany for the US in 1936, where he wrote a number of popular
anti-Nazi propaganda books.
Unfortunately, Turner’s special reliance upon Rauschning occurs
in a particularly interesting section of the book entitled
“Hitler’s Economics,” in which Turner lays out Hitler’s supposed
views. He uses other sources as well, but the heavy dependence
upon Rauschning renders much of this otherwise fascinating
account untrustworthy.
Unlike earlier academics, Turner actually defined what he meant
by “big business.” Because virtually all the largest companies
in Weimar Germany were joint-stock corporations, his criteria
for inclusion was a balance sheet book value ≥ 20 million
post-stabilization marks. This represented a high degree of
capital concentration across a variety of industries including
coal, iron, steel, banking, insurance, chemicals, and electrical
equipment. The 158 privately-owned firms that met his criteria
constituted only 1.3% of all joint-stock companies in Germany,
but collectively accounted for 47% of their total book value.
Turner excluded from consideration large numbers of
government-owned entities such as transportation companies,
utilities, and even industrial enterprises since, obviously,
they were not part of the private sector.
Chemical giant IG Farben, Germany’s and Europe’s largest
corporation after its formation in 1925, and the fourth largest
in the world after US-based General Motors, US Steel, and
Standard Oil of New Jersey, was regularly attacked by the Party
and did not support it.
The country’s leading businessman, Gustav Georg Friedrich Maria
Krupp von Bohlen und Halbach, was adamantly anti-Nazi. Turner
was therefore highly critical of popular historian William
Manchester’s bestselling The Arms of Krupp: The Rise and Fall of
the Industrial Dynasty that Armed Germany at War (1968), a lurid
anti-German account of the Krupp family and firm which catered
to popular prejudices.
Part of the reason for big business’ hostility was that the
NSDAP was perceived as anti-capitalist and quasi-Communist. Yet,
as Turner makes abundantly clear in an extensive discussion of
Nazi economic theory, the Party actually spoke with a “cacophony
of voices” ranging from extreme Left to pro-private enterprise.
In truth, there was no “Nazi” party line on business and the
economy. Nevertheless, I would classify its economics as
fascist, since ultimately business, the economy, private
property, and individual endeavor were all deemed subordinate to
the dictates of the State, which supposedly embodied in mystical
Rousseauian fashion the will of the people. Its economic posture
therefore resembled that of the United States since the New
Deal.
The titans of industry also intensely disliked the Party’s
anti-Semitism. I believe that Turner severely underplays the
importance of this factor in explaining why so many of the
wealthiest Germans refused to back the Party. Given how easy it
is for big business to accommodate itself to Jews, socialists,
globalists, and even Communists, this factor was, I suspect, far
more important than any objection the wealthy had to the Party’s
anti-capitalism.
In this connection, the book might mislead readers into thinking
that Jews played no role in German big business, which was
decidedly not the case. However, the only Jewish businessman
Turner discusses at length is the anti-Nazi Paul Silverberg,
presumably because he was so important Turner couldn’t pretend
he didn’t exist.
This type of shortcoming—the omission of crucial context—occurs
again in the absence of any discussion of the social milieu that
gave rise to National Socialism: Communism, Jewish power,
anti-Germanism, internationalism, and Weimar degeneracy. Nazism
can’t meaningfully be discussed if you dishonestly imply, as
most historians do, that it arose in a vacuum, and that
Communist extremism, violence, terrorism, and Left-wing
paramilitary groups did not exist. But Turner was a liberal Ivy
League academic, and so he does just that.
Big business was also hostile to hardline German nationalist
Alfred Hugenberg (not a Nazi) and his right-wing German National
People’s Party (DNVP). The perceptive Hugenberg early-on grasped
the supreme importance of the mass media, and in 1919 began
building his ultimately formidable empire of newspapers,
publishing houses, and ownership of Germany’s largest movie
company, Ufa.
Even in the early years large monetary contributions from
patrons played only a minimal role in the Party’s growth. There
was always some patronage of this kind, but it was not decisive,
and did not come from the largest corporations or wealthiest
individuals in Germany as Communist and Leftist propaganda
asserts. Unlike bourgeois political parties, the NSDAP never
relied upon, and hence never became dependent on, large-scale
subsidies.
The Party enforced regular collection of dues from members. The
money was divided between local units and Party headquarters.
Party headquarters, by the way, was not in Berlin, but at the
Brown House in Munich. Because of Jewish and Left-wing hatred of
Prussia, it is easy not to know that Nazism was a Bavarian
(southern German) movement. During Weimar, the government of
Prussia, Germany’s largest and most powerful region, was
actually Left-wing and anti-Nazi. Its hostile secret police
always tracked the movement and monitored its meetings.
Members also provided interest-free loans, donated equipment
other parties were forced to purchase, and volunteered many
hours of free labor. In other words, followers were deeply
committed and dedicated in ways that the constituencies of other
parties (save for the Communists) were not.
Methods of eliciting such devotion today must be found. It would
seem that contemporary ruling parties everywhere, including
Democrats and Republicans in the US, do not have deeply devoted
followings. They depend on small parasitical elites who must be
paid, large subventions from wealthy people and special
interests, and the doling out of government patronage to
schoolteachers, corporations, “minority” constituencies, and so
on.
“Substantial amounts for admission” were charged to mass
rallies, Turner says, and cups and hats were passed after
orators, especially Hitler, whipped audiences into a frenzy.
The Storm Troopers (SA) launched several entrepreneurial
ventures, selling gear to members including brown shirts, caps,
swastika armbands, brass knuckles, daggers, first aid kits, and
other officially certified paraphernalia. This venture evolved
into a nationwide quartermaster agency offering mail order
delivery and operating more than a dozen retail outlets across
the country. The most lucrative SA-endorsed product was the
Sturm brand of cigarettes. (The SA stopped selling cigarettes in
1934, after the seizure of power.)
“The readiness of people of modest means to donate what were for
them sizeable sums of money,” Turner writes, “bordered, in the
opinion of one observing police agent, ‘on the unbelievable.’”
The Party’s leaders “could truthfully boast in 1930 that the
appreciable wherewithal that underlay the party’s triumph at the
polls had come in the form of contributions from the pockets of
members and sympathizers, not as subsidies from big business.”
Hitler and his associates brought a message for which many
humble people were willing to pay, even at considerable material
sacrifice for themselves. Far from depending on subventions from
Germany’s capitalists, Nazism was in its early years a genuinely
populistic movement that took root and grew into a full-fledged
political movement because of the fanatical devotion of its
rank-and-file followers. (Turner, p. 60)
Not everything was sacrifice, however. The Party maintained
full-time, salaried activists, including its newspaper writers.
Speakers at rallies received honoraria (pp. 118–19). And there
were paid professional staff at the Brown House in Munich and in
party offices throughout the country. A number of people were
thereby enabled to devote full-time to party activity.
The sophisticated dues-paying system that formed the foundation
of the Party’s economic prosperity was devised by a shrewd,
virtually unknown accountant named Franz Xaver Schwarz, who is
quite interesting to read about and died in an Allied
concentration camp after the war at age 72. He had joined the
party in 1922; his party member number was six. He oversaw the
organization’s finances throughout its existence, and to him is
undoubtedly due most of the credit for its financial success.
Nevertheless, he is mentioned only four times in Turner’s book.
Schwarz’s dues-paying system, insofar as it is known (many
records were destroyed in the war) is described on pp. 119–24.
Despite Schwarz’s outstanding ability, the Party experienced
recurrent financial difficulties throughout the 1920s, forcing
it to fall back frequently upon emergency loans before finally
achieving stability with the large spurt in membership that
occurred in 1930. The point is, a sound financial system had
long been in place to exploit popular success once it
materialized.
The NSDAP, therefore, was not an upstart party relying upon
financial handouts. Instead, it was a “remarkable political
innovation, an organization that combined charismatic leadership
with meticulous bureaucratic administration, a party of
mobilization that applied socialist [sic—?] organization and
financial techniques to a considerably more affluent following
than that of the SPD [the Left-wing Social Democratic Party]”
(p. 123).
Note that freedom from large subsidies enabled the NSDAP to
propagate an extremely radical message unpalatable to elites
then and now—apart from the PC radicalism of philo-Semitism,
anti-white racism, and Leftism that has always been acceptable
to elites. The NSDAP thereby satisfied the genuine needs and
aspirations of its white constituency and generated an intensely
loyal mass following.
More on Turner
Henry Ashby Turner, Jr. (1932–2008)
Henry Ashby Turner, Jr. (1932–2008)
Turner was rare among academics in opposing the so-called
Sonderweg (“special path”) narrative of German history, which is
basically a blood libel against the German people. Harvard
Jewish racist Daniel Jonah Goldberg’s Hitler’s Willing
Executioners (1996) belongs to this genre.
Turner persuaded the heirs of Otto Wagener to permit the
publication of that man’s memoirs. Wagener was a WWII major
general who between 1929 and 1933 served as Hitler’s close
economic adviser and confidant, as well as chief of staff of the
SA. The book was published as Otto Wagener, Hitler aus nächster
Nähe. Aufzeichnungen eines Vertrauten 1929–1932, Henry Ashby
Turner, ed. (Berlin, 1978). It appeared in condensed form in
English translation as Hitler: Memoirs of a Confidant (New
Haven: Yale University Press, 1985). William Pierce sold the
latter volume in his December 1988 National Vanguard Books
Catalog, writing, “By far the most informative and positive
memoir by a confidant of Hitler since Kubizek’s The Young Hitler
I Knew. Detailed reports of many lengthy conversations with
Hitler.”
While working on German Big Business, Turner became embroiled in
a dispute with a Jewish Marxist at Princeton named David
Abraham, author of The Collapse of the Weimar Republic
(Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1981), which claimed
that big business bankrolled Hitler in order to suppress the
working class. Turner, who was intimately familiar with the
archival sources cited by Abraham, discovered that the Princeton
academic had grossly distorted the evidence. He wrote that
Abraham violated the rules of historical scholarship so
flagrantly as to render his work worthless—“even more
disqualifying” than that of the Pools mentioned earlier.
If professionals ever muster the courage to shine a hard,
skeptical light on partisan Jewish scholarship they will no
doubt discover many intellectual felonies of this kind. Abraham
eventually left the historical profession.
In 1998 General Motors hired Turner to investigate the wartime
activities of Opel, its German subsidiary, after Jews initiated
a lawsuit to extort money from the company for its alleged role
in the “Holocaust.” Turner concluded that although Opel had
agreed to produce engines for the Luftwaffe in 1938, by the time
the war began the automotive subsidiary had been nationalized,
and GM had had no say in Opel’s production of military vehicles
or use of forced labor. He published his findings as General
Motors and the Nazis: The Struggle for Control of Opel, Europe’s
Biggest Carmaker (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2005).
Two other books that might prove of interest given Turner’s
relatively non-ideological, empirical orientation are The Two
Germanies Since 1945 (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1987)
(revised five years later as Germany from Partition to
Reunification [New Haven: Yale University Press, 1992]) and
Hitler’s Thirty Days To Power: January 1933 (Reading, Mass.:
Addison-Wesley, 1996), a succinct, tightly focused account of
the political maneuvers in Berlin in January 1933 that led to
Hitler’s appointment as chancellor.
The latter book would probably provide good insight into what
later became known as the Machtergreifung, or “seizure [sic] of
power” as the Nazis called it, the final death rattle of
degenerate, neo-Communist Weimar “democracy” and the birth of a
totalitarian New Order.
Significant detail about this, all of it new to me, is presented
as well in German Big Business. Prior to Hitler’s appointment a
rapid series of changes in the chancellorship had occurred, with
one man succeeding another in rapid succession before resigning
due to an inability to establish a stable consensus cabinet or
satisfactory working relationship with the Reichstag (national
parliament) deeply fractured among warring ideological factions,
including the powerful Communists whose aim was to destroy
freedom and establish a totalitarian regime.
No one in business or government particularly wanted Hitler to
be Chancellor (his appointment was the result of Machiavellian
backroom maneuvering between competing factions), but the
popular strength of the NSDAP made him impossible to ignore.
Hitler’s first cabinet was minority NS, and it was widely
assumed, for good reason, that his chancellorship, like those of
his immediate predecessors, would last no longer than a few
weeks or months before collapsing. His appointment was not
viewed as a decisive break with the past, and Turner is skillful
at making clear why this was a reasonable assumption for people
to make.
Conclusion
I have tried to provide some indication of where Nazi funding
prior to 1933 came from according to H. A. Turner, who for a
variety of reasons seems to be a reasonably trustworthy source.
However, most detailed records pertaining to party finances were
destroyed during the war, so the bulk of Turner’s book is
devoted instead to refuting a widely-propagated falsehood: that
German big business was pro-Nazi and funded Hitler’s rise. Thus,
Turner focuses primarily on how the NSDAP was not funded and
where it did not receive support—and why. For on this question
the documentary evidence contained in previously untapped
corporate archives is abundant.
Hitler and his party received important support from wealthy as
well as ordinary Germans. But the former were not the equivalent
of the Forbes 400 in the United States—the Buffetts, the
Gateses, the Rockefellers, the Waltons—nor were the corporations
equivalent to our Fortune 500. Emil Kirdorfs and Fritz Thyssens
were the exception, not the rule. The wealthiest people and
largest corporations sided with the Jews. So it is remarkable
the Nazis succeeded in establishing the equivalent for whites
that Communism and Leftism represent for Jews.
Germany was the only major country in the world where this
happened. Everywhere else, including the United States, the
economic crisis of the 1930s led to the final, decisive triumph
of Leftism over traditional institutions, cultures, and
indigenous white populations, eventuating today in policies of
large-scale genocide and the destruction of what little remains
of freedom and democracy. Absent radical, determined resistance,
the fates of former First World Rhodesia, South Africa, and
South West Africa are harbingers of things to come.
#Post#: 8482--------------------------------------------------
Re: Απόφαση
Ολομέλειας
ΠΦΑναρχοκαπιταλιστών
περί &
DIR By: mistermax
Date: December 15, 2013, 3:32 am
---------------------------------------------------------
Σαν
αναρχικος
υποστηριζω
την
φοροδιαφυγη
και οχι μονο
την
ρεφορμιστικη
φοροαποφυγη.
Το money-laundering ομως
αφορα
μεγαλοαπατεωνες
που
ουσιαστικα
ειναι
κρατος εν
κρατη, απο
την στιγμη
που καποιος
εχει τοσα
πολλα λεφτα
ειναι
ουσιαστικα
πολος
εξουσιας
εντος ενος
αλλου
εξουσιαστικου
συστηματος,
και επειδη
δεν ειμαστε
fake αναρχικοι
οπως ειναι ο
φραγκολροκ,
ειμαστε
ΕΝΑΝΤΙΑ ΣΕ
ΚΑΘΕ
ΕΞΟΥΣΙΑ,
εναντιον
ολων.
#Post#: 8500--------------------------------------------------
Re: Απόφαση
Ολομέλειας
ΠΦΑναρχοκαπιταλιστών
περί &
DIR By: Sagapaw
Date: December 17, 2013, 4:13 pm
---------------------------------------------------------
ΑΦΤΟ ΤΟ
ΠΡΑΜΑ, ΟΠΟΥ Ο
ΛΕΦΚΟΣ
ΕΘΝΟΣΟΣΣΙΑΛΗΣΤΗΣ
ΟΝΕΙΡΕΥΕΤΑΙ
ΟΤΙ
ΕΧΕΙ ΠΑΝΤΑ
ΣΤΟΝ
ΛΕΥΚΩΠΟ ΤΟΥ
ΚΩΛΟ ΕΝΑ
ΜΠΟΥΡΙ
ΣΟΜΠΑΣ ΜΕ
ΔΑΥΙΔΙΚΟ
ΑΣΤΡΟ
ΖΩΓΡΑΦΙΣΤΟ
ΕΠΑΝΩ
ΕΙΝΑΙ Ο
ΛΟΓΟΣ ΠΟΥ Η
ΓΕΝΝΟΚΤΟΝΙΑ
Δ Ε Ν ΔΟΥΛΕΨΕ
Π Ο Τ Ε ΥΠΕΡ
ΤΟΥ!
ΤΑ ΥΠΟΛΟΙΠΑ
ΠΕΡΙ
ΦΟΡΟΔΙΑΦΥΓΗΣ
ΚΤΛ ΔΕΝ ΤΑ
ΔΙΑΒΑΣΑ- ΔΕΝ
ΕΙΜΑΙ 12 ΕΤΩΝ
ΣΤΟ ΜΥΑΛΟ.
ΕΧΕΙ ΠΛΑΚΑ
ΠΑΝΤΩΣ Η
ΑΠΟΠΕΙΡΑ
ΤΩΝ
ΕΘΝΟΕΘΝΙΚΟΣΟΣΙΑΛΗΣΤΩΝ
ΝΑ ΜΙΜΗΘΟΥΝ
ΤΙΣ ΛΟΓΙΕΣ
ΑΝΑΛΥΣΕΙΣ
ΠΟΥ ΕΚΑΝΑΝ
ΟΙ
ΑΡΙΣΤΕΡΟΙ
ΤΗΣ ΠΑΛΙΑΣ
ΚΟΨΙΑΣ (ΟΧΙ
ΤΟΥ
ΣΥΓΧΡΟΝΟΥ
ΡΕΓΓΕ-ΛΑΗΦΣΤΑΗΛ
ΜΟΡΦΩΜΑΤΟΣ
ΠΟΥ
ΕΠΙΚΕΝΤΡΩΝΕΤΑΙ
ΣΤΗΝ
ΕΙΣΡΟΦΗΣΗ
ΚΑΝΑΒΕΩΣ
ΔΙΑ ΤΗΣ
ΑΠΕΚΚΡΙΤΙΚΗΣ
ΟΔΟΥ). ΟΝΤΩΣ,
ΡΕ
ΤΕΛΕΙΩΜΕΝΑ
ΕΘΝΙΚΙΑ, ΑΠΟ
ΤΗΝ
ΠΡΟΣΠΑΘΕΙΑ
ΣΑΣ
ΝΑ
ΤΑΦΤΙΣΕΤΕ
ΤΑ
ΕΓΚΛΗΜΑΤΑ
ΤΟΥ ΣΤΑΛΙΝ
ΜΕ ΤΑ
ΠΤΑΙΣΜΑΤΑ
ΤΟΥ ΧΙΤΛΕΡ,
ΠΕΙΣΑΤΕ ΚΑΙ
ΤΟΝ ΕΑΥΤΟ
ΣΑΣ ΟΤΙ
ΕΙΣΤΕ Η
ΚΑΤΟΠΤΡΙΚΗ
ΕΙΚΟΝΑ ΤΩΝ
ΜΙΑΡΩΝ
ΚΟΜΜΟΥΝΙΣΤΩΝ!
ΜΑ ΤΟ
ΣΦΙΓΚΤΗΡΑ
ΤΟΥ
ΓΑΝΥΜΗΔΗ,
ΠΙΟ ΦΕΗΚ,
ΦΕΗΛ ΑΝΤ
ΓΚΕΫ ΚΙΝΗΜΑ
ΔΕΝ ΠΡΕΠΕΙ
ΝΑ ΕΧΕΙ
ΥΠΑΡΚΣΕΙ
ΑΠΟ
ΚΑΤΑΒΟΛΗΣ
ΚΟΣΜΟΥ -
ΕΞΑΙΡΩΝΤΑΣ
ΒΕΒΑΙΑ ΤΗΝ
ΠΑΣΟΚΑΡΑ
ΤΟΥ ΣΗΜΙΤΗ.
ΓΡΗΓΟΡΗ
ΜΕΤΑΤΡΟΠΗ
ΣΕ ΛΙΠΑΣΜΑ
ΕΥΧΟΜΑΙ ΣΕ
ΟΣΟΥΣ
ΨΗΦΑΝΕ
ΧΡΙΣΙ ΑΒΓΗ
ΚΑΙ ΤΣΥΡΙΖΑ
#Post#: 8553--------------------------------------------------
Re: Απόφαση
Ολομέλειας
ΠΦΑναρχοκαπιταλιστών
περί &
DIR By: Ελευθ&#94...
Date: December 25, 2013, 1:02 pm
---------------------------------------------------------
ΠΟΥΣΤΑΡΕΣ Ο
ΛΙΜΠΕΡΤΑΡΙΑΝ
ΕΙΜΑΙ. ΕΙΔΑ
ΤΟΝ ΦΛΩΡΟ
ΤΟΝ ΦΡΙΝΤΖ
ΝΑ ΑΝΕΒΑΖΕΙ
ΑΡΘΡΟ ΚΑΙ
ΟΡΜΗΣΑ ΓΙΑ
ΕΠΙΚΗ
ΑΝΑΡΧΟΚΑΠΙΤΑΛΙΣΤΙΚΗ
ΠΟΥΤΣΑ. ΤΟ
ΛΟΙΠΟΝ...
Αυτοί που ο
γραφιάς
λέει
Τζιγιονιστές
είναι στην
πραγματικότητα
τα
πουτανάκια,
οι self-hating
Εβραίοι, οι
Untermenschen (μαζί με
τους
υπόλοιπους
σοσιαλιστές
επί της Γης).
Ο αληθινός
ΓΑΜΙΑΣ
Εβραίος
είναι
πουτσαράς
σε σημείο
που πρέπει
να του
κόψουν
κομμάτι από
το ΥΠΕΡΑΡΙΟ
καυλί του
για να μην
πιάσουν
συμπλέγματα
κατωτερότητας
τα
πουτσάκια
των Λευκών
και
ανατολασιατών,
συν των
Μαύρων που
είναι επικά
γκασμάδες.
Ο Εβραίος ο
σωστός
ΘΕΛΕΙ
ελευθεριακό
αναρχοκαπιταλισμό
και ΞΕΡΕΙ
ότι ο
προστατευτιστής
Τζιγιονιστής
τον γαμάει.
Μόνος
τρόπος
είναι η
συνεργασία
ΑΡΕΙΩΝ
ΕΒΡΑΙΩΝ και
ΑΡΕΙΩΝ
ΕΥΡΩΠΑΙΩΝ
με στόχο την
ολοκληρωτική
απελευθέρωση
της
παγκόσμιας
οικονομίας.
Οι Ashkenazi είναι
άλλωστε
ΜΠΡΟΣΤΑ στο IQ
(ακόμη και ο
Φριντζ θα το
παραδεχθεί).
Το ξέπλυμμα
χρηματος
είναι
ορολογία
ημικατσίβελων
μπινέδων με
race-mixing με
αγελάδα και
μουλάρια.
Ξέρουμε
ΠΟΛΥ ΚΑΛΑ
ότι Η ΑΓΟΡΑ
ΕΙΝΑΙ ΚΑΛΗ
ΜΟΝΟ ΟΤΑΝ
ΕΙΝΑΙ ΣΑΝ
ΤΟΝ ΚΑΦΕ: BLACK. BLACK
MARKETS EQUALS WHITE (BRIGHT) FUTURE!
Οι Untermenschen δεν
περιορίζονται
σε φυλές:
Υπάνθρωποι
υπάρχουν
και στη
Νέγρικη
Φυλή, και
στους
Ευρωπαίους
και στους
Ασιάτες. Η
Ελευθεριακή
κοινωνία
είναι ο
μόνος
τρόπος να
φάνε ΕΠΙΚΗ
ΑΝΑΡΧΟΚΑΠΙΤΑΛΙΣΤΙΚΗ
ΨΩΛΗ και να
εξαφανιστούν
από το gene pool
πριν μας
γαμήσουν
στη
δυσγονική.
Όχι μόνο η
φυσική
ευγονική
του
καπιταλισμού
θα φέρει
άριστους
απογόνους,
αλλά θα
φέρει και
ΕΞΥΠΝΟΥΣ
απογόνους
που θα
ΑΜΦΙΣΒΗΤΟΥΝ
τους
ληστοσυμμορίτες
του κράτους
παγκοσμίως.
Η ελευθερία
φέρνει
ελευθερία.
Και σαν
ελευθεριακοί
η μόνη
πρέπουσα
δήλωση
είναι ΘΑ ΣΑΣ
ΓΑΜΗΣΟΥΜΕ
ΤΟΝ ΚΩΛΟ,
ΠΡΟΣΤΑΤΕΥΤΙΣΤΕΣ.
ΜΑΥΡΟ ΧΡΗΜΑ
ΙΣΟΝ
ΟΙΚΟΝΟΜΙΚΗ
ΚΑΙ
ΚΟΙΝΩΝΙΚΗ
ΥΓΕΙΑ!
#Post#: 8555--------------------------------------------------
Re: Απόφαση
Ολομέλειας
ΠΦΑναρχοκαπιταλιστών
περί &
DIR By: FringeElements
Date: December 25, 2013, 1:43 pm
---------------------------------------------------------
ΚΑΙ ξέπλυμα
χρήματος,
ΚΑΙ μαύρο
εμπόριο,
αλλά - και
αυτό είναι
άκρως
σημαντικό -
ΚΑΙ το
εμπόριο
ναρκωτικών.
Όποιος
ελέγχει τα
ναρκωτικά
στην
κοινωνία
ελέγχει
τους
υπάνθρωπους
και, όσο το
κράτος
περιορίζει
τεχνητά την
προσφορά,
αποκομίζει
τεράστια
κέρδη. Για
ποιον λόγο
να πουλάνε
ναρκωτικά
οι
δημοκράτες
και οι
κομμουνιστές
μόνο; Για να
τα κονομάνε
χοντρά και
να
πληρώνουν
τους
δημοσιοπούστηδες
να
τυφλώνουν
τον λαό;
Γιατί να μην
πουλάει
ναρκωτικά
και η Χρυσή
Αυγή; Οι
κοινωνικές
συμμαχίες
που έχει
στις τάξεις
της
αστυνομίας
θα
αποτελέσουν
μεγάλο
κεφάλαιο σε
αυτήν τη
μπίζνα. Και
μιλάμε για
εκατομμύρια
χρήματα!
Ξέρεις τι
μπορείς να
κάνεις με
ένα
εκατομμύριο;
Η Χ.Α. μπορεί
να κάνει
εκατοντάδες
συσσίτια!
Μπορεί να
πληρώσει 700
επαγγελματίες
να
ασχολούνται
8 ώρες την
ημέρα με
προπαγάνδα!
Μπορεί να
κάνει ο
Κασιδιάρης
λεύκανση
πρωκτού στο
πρόσωπο και
να κατέβει
στις
δημοτικές
και να
νομίζει ο
κόσμος ότι
είναι ο
Ρουβάς, να
πάρει το 51%
από τις
γυναίκες με
την πρώτη.
Μπορεί να
πάρει τον
Τζιανλουίτζι
HTML http://www.escortnews.eu/en/escort/Federico-100014.htmlστην<br
/>κόρη του ο
Αρχηγός και
να της
μαλάξει το
λουκούμι.
Ξέρεις τι
είναι το
χρήμα; Χρήμα,
χρήμα μόνο
το χρήμα
υπάρχει
πίσω από όλα!
Αν τα
ιδανικά σου
δεν
πληρώνουν,
να βρεις
ιδανικότερα...
Και φυσικά
όταν βγει
στην
εξουσία η Χ.Α.
no problem, θα ξέρει
και όλα τα
βαποράκια,
όλα τα
στέκια, όλα
τα
νταλαβέρια
από πρώτο
χέρι και θα
τους
εξαφανίσει
πιο εύκολα
όλους.
HTML http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=cwUR5f6GK3c
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