DIR Return Create A Forum - Home
---------------------------------------------------------
True Left
HTML https://trueleft.createaforum.com
---------------------------------------------------------
*****************************************************
DIR Return to: Colonial Era
*****************************************************
#Post#: 16401--------------------------------------------------
Kuo Min Tang China
DIR By: antihellenistic
Date: November 12, 2022, 11:22 pm
---------------------------------------------------------
From written historical information, the Kuo Min Tang
Nationalist China and it's westernized Chinese people on
Nusantara worked together to increased their business and
economic power with also allied with Netherlands Colonialism.
See the written content below :
(Read the writings which given bold if you not have enough time
to read the entire content)
--- Quote ---
> A Problem in Java - The Chinese in the Dutch East Indies By
Amry Vandenbosch
>
> ...The Chinese had no political or cultural aspirations. They
asked only for the opportunity of improving their economic
position, and in this they met with no opposition from the
Dutch, for the Dutch found their presence necessary for the
exploitation of the islands. Instead of their interest competing
with those of the Dutch they complemented them. This is well
illustrated in the instructions of one of the early Dutch
governors of the East Indies : "A very great number of people is
necessary for the inhabiting of Batavia, the Moluccas, Amboyna,
Banda.... More money is requisite, to send great returns into
the Netherlands... No people in the world do us better service
than the Chinese... As trade cannot be gotten by friendly means,
it is requisite by this monsoon to send another fleet to visit
the coast of China and take prisoners as many men, women and
children as possible... If the war proceed against China...an
especial foresight must be used to take a very great number of
Chinese, especially women and children, for the peopling of
Batavia, Amboyna, and Banda, ..."
>
> ...
>
> There is still a strong nationalist sentiment, although there
is among the peranakans a tendency to align themselves on the
side of the Indonesian nationalist. Many peranakans, however,
seem unable to make up their minds whether their interest lie on
the side of the Dutch or of the natives. The Chinese are
disliked by the natives who resent their superiority complex.
Moreover their interest in a native-controlled government might
not receive as favorable consideration as they now do.
Peranakans can be found who are more royal than the king. The
peranakans are also being more and more oriented toward Dutch
culture. Very large numbers go to Netherlands for their higher
education. While in Holland they are ardent Chinese nationalist,
but upon their return to the Indies they increasingly attach
themselves to the Europeans, both because they now feel more at
home with them and for protection of their interest against the
natives and Indonesian nationalist. Very few peranakans have a
speaking or reading knowledge of Chinese.
>
> ...
>
> The year 1900 was a significant year for the Chinese movement
in the East Indies as well as in China. The year of the Boxer
Rebellion was marked by several governmental acts of
far-reaching importance for the Chinese. The system out the sale
of opium was abolished and a government monopoly instituted
instead; the decision was made to extend the government monopoly
of pawning throughout the East Indies; and in this same year the
government began its system of agricultural credit banks with
the object of furnishing cheaper credit to the farmers and
rescuing them from the clutches of the usurers. All these
measures affected the Chinese injuriously, for they took away
the business of others.
>
> It was at this juncture of events that the Chinese, encouraged
by interest which the Chinese government now began to manifest
in them, actively began to assert themselves to improve their
position. Education and the press were the chief means employed.
School societies were organized and schools opened. Preference
was expressed for Dutch as the language medium but since the
school societies could not afford the high salaried Dutch
teachers, English was chosen, for the reason that Chinese
instructors could be cheaply obtained from Singapore, and in
addtion English had the advantage of being the commercial
language of the East. The Chinese press in the Indies
strenghtened the unity and national consciousness of the Chinese
and pressed their grievances with the Indies government. "The
Chinese in the Indies," so wrote the press, "are stepchildren
rejected by the Indies government, but again recognized by their
own father, China, who, asleep all these years, is awakened."
>
> ...
>
> ...The fact that the Japanese come under the category of
Europeans (since 1889) especially offends Chinese national
pride. The announcement of the Chinese government that it would
introduce law codes based on western principles in 1930 was the
occasion for a statement from the East Indian government that a
bill was being prepared for introduction in the next colonial
legislature with the object of placing Chinese on the same legal
footing as Europeans and Japanese.
--- End Quote ---
Source : A Problem in Java: The Chinese in the Dutch East Indies
- Amry Vandenbosch page 1001, 1015, 1007, 1013
Link/URL :
HTML https://www.jstor.org/stable/2750073?read-now=1&seq=15#page_scan_tab_contents
--- Quote ---
> The existence of the Chinese officer system did not mean that
the VOC did not intervene in Chinese community affairs. In 1655,
the Dutch established the Council of Boedelmeesters (Trustees),
consisting of both Dutchmen and Chinese, to administer the
inheritance of the Chinese who died without issue or without
children who had come of age. The fund the trustees came to
administer was used to build hospitals and orphanages. The Dutch
and the Chinese also had to jointly deal with some other
problems such as sanitation and debtor-creditor relations
involving both. And also, from early days, the Chinese could
take advantage of the Dutch commercial law which gave protection
to their property. Being the headquarters of the VOC, Batavia
enjoyed the best legal protection, so many Chinese preferred to
stay there [Blusse 1986: 85]. From the founding of Batavia in
1619 to the end of the VOC in 1800, the relations between the
Dutch and the Chinese seemed generally good ...
>
> Peranakans mean the Nusantara-born Chinese
>
> ...
>
> Close relations with the Dutch influenced the culture of
peranakan society. By buying Dutch furniture and other Dutch
products, the cabang atas peranakan adopted the Dutch style of
living. In the 20th century, when Dutch naturalization became
possible, many peranakan Chinese sought it and obtained European
status [Skinner 1963]. Even in the early 1940s, when the threat
of war began endangering Dutch colonialism, there were still
some Chinese asking for Dutch naturalization.
>
> ...
>
> It was in this situation that there arose a movement among the
Chinese in Java, or the Young Chinese Movement, as was called by
P.H. Fromberg, the Dutch colonial advisor for Chinese affairs
and main advocate of Chinese cause.7) It was a movement against
the colonial government policy on the Chinese. The Chinese
demanded the colonial government to end the restrictions on
traveling and residence and give them legal status equal to the
Europeans. The movement also led to the founding of the Tiong
Hwa Hwee Kwan School (T.H.H.K. School), Chinese Chamber of
Commerce, and a more politically oriented reading club, Soe Po
Sia. It was partly in response to this movement that the Dutch
established the 7) "De Chineesche Beweging op Java" in [Fromberg
1926]. Hollands Chineesche Scholen (School); it became necessary
to keep the loyalty of their Chinese subjects. Also as a
response to the movement (and the pressure of Dutch businesses
which felt that the restrictions on Chinese traveling and
residence were detrimental to their business interests), the
Dutch practically abolished the restrictions on traveling and
residence in 1910, although it took another several years for
these to be completely abolished (this was done in 1916).
--- End Quote ---
Source : Chinese Capitalism in Dutch Java - Southeast Asian
Studies, Vol. 27, No.2, September 1989 page 158, 166, 173
Link/URL :
HTML https://kyoto-seas.org/pdf/27/2/270202.pdf
About the Kuo Min Tang Nationalist Chinese, see the content
below :
--- Quote ---
> The Kuomintang (KMT),[I] also referred to as the Guomindang
(GMD)[35] or the Chinese Nationalist Party,[1] is a major
political party in the Republic of China, initially on the
Chinese mainland and in Taiwan after 1949. It was the sole party
in China during the Republican Era from 1928 to 1949, when most
of the Chinese mainland was under its control. The party
retreated from the mainland to Taiwan on 7 December 1949,
following its defeat in the Chinese Civil War. Chiang Kai-shek
declared martial law and retained its authoritarian rule over
Taiwan under the Dang Guo system until democratic reforms were
enacted in the 1980s and full democratization in the 1990s. In
Taiwanese politics, the KMT is the dominant party in the
Pan-Blue Coalition and primarily competes with the rival
Democratic Progressive Party (DPP). It is currently the largest
opposition party in the Legislative Yuan. The current chairman
is Eric Chu.
>
> ...
>
> Founded : 10 October 1919
--- End Quote ---
Source :
HTML https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Kuomintang
#Post#: 17665--------------------------------------------------
Re: Media decolonization
DIR By: antihellenistic
Date: January 25, 2023, 6:56 pm
---------------------------------------------------------
Seeing Hitler's diplomatic decolonization on German-Chinese
relationship, which on previous Weimar Germany's government
continued to rise. See this quoted information below :
--- Quote ---
> H.H. Kung, the finance minister of China, and two other
Chinese Kuomintang officials visited Germany in June 1937 and
were received by Adolf Hitler.[24][25] The Chinese delegation
met Hans Georg von Mackensen on June 10. During the meeting,
Kung said that Japan was not a reliable ally for Germany, as he
believed that Germany had not forgotten the Japanese invasion of
Tsingtao and the former German colonies in the Pacific Islands
during World War I, and that China was the true anticommunist
state, but Japan was only "flaunting." Von Mackensen promised
that there would be no problems in Sino-German relations as long
as he and von Neurath were in charge of the Foreign Ministry.
Kung also met Hjalmar Schacht on the same day, who explained to
him that the Anti-Comintern Pact was not a German-Japanese
alliance against China. Germany was glad to lend China 100
million Reichsmark (equivalent 2021 to €449 million) and would
not do so with the Japanese.[26]
>
> Kung visited Hermann Göring on June 11, who told him he
thought that Japan was a "Far East Italy," in reference to the
fact that during World War I Italy had broken its alliance and
declared war against Germany, and Germany would never trust
Japan.[27] Kung asked Göring, "Which country will Germany choose
as her friend, China or Japan?" Göring said China could be a
mighty power and that Germany would take China as a
friend.[citation needed]
>
>
> NSDAP Office of Foreign Affairs diplomatic reception in 1939,
Chinese ambassador (left), Konstantin Hierl (on the right),
Alfred Rosenberg and Hans Frank.
> Kung met Hitler on June 13, who told him that Germany had no
political or territorial demands in the Far East, Germany was a
strong industrial country, China was a huge agricultural
country, and Germany's only thought on China is business. Hitler
also hoped China and Japan could co-operate and that he could
mediate any disputes between these two countries since he
mediated the disputes between Italy and Yugoslavia. Hitler also
told Kung that Germany would not invade other countries but was
not afraid of foreign invasion. If the Soviet Union dared to
invade Germany, one German division could defeat two Soviet
corps. The only thing that Hitler feared was Bolshevism in
Eastern Europe. Hitler also said that he admired Chiang Kai-Shek
because he had built a powerful central government.[28]
>
> ...
>
> The outbreak of the Second Sino-Japanese War, on July 7, 1937,
destroyed much of the progress and promises that had been made.
Hitler chose Japan as his ally against the Soviet Union because
Japan was militarily capable.[34] In addition, [color=red]the
Sino-Soviet Non-Aggression Pact of August 21, 1937 did not help
change Hitler's mind, despite protest from Chinese lobbies and
German investors.[/color] However, Hitler agreed to have Hapro
finish shipments that had been ordered by China though he
refused to allow taking any more orders from Nanking.
>
> There were plans of a German-mediated peace between China and
Japan, but the fall of Nanking in December 1937 effectively put
an end to any mediation that would be acceptable to the Chinese
government. Therefore, all hope of a German-mediated truce was
lost. In 1938, Germany officially recognised Manchukuo as an
independent nation. In April that year, Göring banned the
shipment of war materials to China, and in May, German advisors
were recalled to Germany after the Japanese had insisted.
--- End Quote ---
Source :
HTML https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Sino-German_cooperation_(1926%E2%80%931941)#1930s
#Post#: 20277--------------------------------------------------
Re: Exposing people with the Western Darwinian Worldview
DIR By: antihellenistic
Date: June 11, 2023, 12:26 am
---------------------------------------------------------
Western Civilization is Fundamentally Terror Civilization part 2
--- Quote ---
> Yen Fu again looked outside China for the true field of
Darwinian struggle. Even though it had been China’s defeat at
the hands of another member of the yellow race, Japan, that had
prompted him to write in the first place, Yen Fu looked beyond
struggles within his race to a struggle that for him was far
more frightening, the “ultimate” struggle between races of
different colors.
>
> But why in foretelling such a struggle did he mention only the
yellow and white races? He did not say much about the others
except to suggest that they were virtually already out of the
strug- gle. But in his very lack of concern in what he did say,
there lay an ominous hint of contempt, that in the writings of
other patriots would soon develop into a full-fledged
intellectual prejudice— against any race darker than the
Chinese. Yen Fu, in his list of races, listed the brown race
and the yellow and the white, and then said, “lowest is the
black race . . . the so-called black slaves.” 63 Lowest, for
Yen Fu, meant “furthest south.” For others, however, it was
soon to mean “lowest on the scale of human evolution.”
>
> But Yen Fu was not yet interested in any scale of human
evolution. He was interested in China’s immediate struggle for
existence, and he had not yet entertained the chilling thought,
which would soon strike others, that the outcome of that
struggle might already be determined, that races might have
evolved so unequally that
> eventual white supremacy was inevitable. For Yen Fu the fight
was still free. All China really needed was the will to
struggle. Without asking how will could possibly fit into the
Darwinian scheme, Yen Fu seemed perfectly convinced of the
faith later so strongly held by the would-be materialist Mao
Tse-tung, that “if there’s a will there’s a way.” It was this
belief, together with his conviction that the real struggle was
not between governments but between social organisms, that made
Yen Fu look so excitedly towards democracy. Democracy would
unify the social organism; it would instill in the whole people
the will to survive and the will to fight.
>
> ...
>
> Thus Yen Fu, in this early Chinese cry for democracy, was
actual- ly already crying for a “People’s Democracy” in a sense
that makes that later tautology, if not altogether unamusing,
at least some- what understandable. The people were subordinate
to the People. The People came first. The People was the race,
the race was the ch*un , the ch’un was the social organism, the
social organism was the country. The individual was almost
absent from the argument.
>
> Even individual freedom seemed primarily intended for the
good of the group. “Freedom” (tzu-yu), and it was never stated
what this was really to mean for the individual, was necessary
to liberate the people's energies, so that they could have
strong bodies, strong minds, and strong wills, all to defend
the race. 66 Freedom would allow a pooling of talents that was
not yet taking place. Freedom would work for China as it worked
for the West- erners: “They have no forbidden topics; they rid
themselves of petty, restricting formalities; they break
through constricting molds of thought. Everyone can have his
own mind. Everyone can voice his view. There is no great gulf
between men of high and low position. The ruler is not too much
esteemed, the people not de- meaned. All join as one body.” 67
- Yan Fu
>
> ...
>
> The world had four races, he said, yellow, white, red, and
black: “Yellow and white are wise; red and black are ignorant.
Yellow and white are masters; red and black are slaves. Yellow
and white are tight-knit groups; red and black are dispersed .
>
> “India’s failure to rise,” he wrote, “is due to limitations of
the race. All black, red, and brown peoples arc in the
microorganisms of their blood and the slope of their brains
quite inferior to white men. Only the yellows and the whites are
not far removed from one another. Hence anything whites can do,
yellows can do also.” 98 - Liang Qichao
--- End Quote ---
HTML https://archive.org/details/ChinaAndCharlesDarwin433PageNotFull/page/n73/mode/2up
Pusey, James Reeve. 1983. China and Charles Darwin. Cambridge:
Harvard University Press. Page 69 until 71, 117 and 131
About Yan Fu
--- Quote ---
> He is celebrated for his translations, including Thomas
Huxley's Evolution and Ethics, Adam Smith's The Wealth of
Nations, John Stuart Mill's On Liberty and Herbert Spencer's
Study of Sociology.[3] Yan critiqued the ideas of Darwin and
others, offering his own interpretations. The ideas of "natural
selection" and "survival of the fittest" were introduced to
Chinese readers through Huxley's work. The former idea was
famously rendered by Yan Fu into Chinese as tiānzé
(天擇).
--- End Quote ---
HTML https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Yan_Fu
About Liang Qichao
--- Quote ---
> In the Hundred Days' Reform, Liang Qichao had the idea of
nationalism, and he advocated reformation and constitutional
monarchy to change the social situation of the Qing dynasty.
>
> ...
>
> With the overthrow of the Qing dynasty, constitutional
monarchy became an increasingly irrelevant topic. Liang merged
his renamed Democratic Party with the Republicans to form the
new Progressive Party. He was very critical of Sun Yatsen's
attempts to undermine President Yuan Shikai. Though usually
supportive of the government, he opposed the expulsion of the
Nationalists from parliament.
>
> Liang Qichao's thought was impacted by the West, and he
learned the new political thought and regime of the Western
countries, and he learned these from the Japanese translation
books, and he learned the Western thought through Meiji Japan to
analyze the knowledge of the West.[7]
--- End Quote ---
HTML https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Liang_Qichao
#Post#: 26525--------------------------------------------------
Re: Arctic alliance
DIR By: antihellenistic
Date: May 22, 2024, 2:50 am
---------------------------------------------------------
Worldview of China
--- Quote ---
> Data from internet sources are drawn from regular observations
of popular Chinese social media platforms, primarily Weibo
微博and Zhihu 知乎. Weibo is the Chinese
equivalent of Twitter, with nearly 600 million monthly active
users.19 Zhihu is a Quora-like platform, with 100 million
monthly active users.20 While both are among China’s major
platforms of political discussion, Zhihu users are largely
middle class and better educated than the average Chinese
netizen and mostly live in first- and second-tier cities.21 In
general, internet users are younger and more urban than the
general Chinese population at large.22 In recent years, the rise
of nationalist and racist online content has been the subject of
much scholarly discussion.
>
> This article uses the terms “black people” and “Africans”
interchangeably, in accordance with the way they are used in the
Chinese language in daily life and in the media. The Chinese
term that is most often used is heiren 黑人(black
people). Black and African identities are usually conflated.
Arab-speaking, lighter-skinned North Africans are usually
identified as whites or Arabs, not as Africans.24
>
> Chinese Racial Nationalism, Internalization of Western/White
Supremacy and “Supra-national” Treatment
>
> Racial thinking was embedded in the Chinese nation-building
process. In the late 19th century, faced with increasing foreign
encroachment following the first Opium War (1839–1842), wangguo
miezhong 亡国灭种(loss of state and
racial extinction) became a national concern as well as a
powerful slogan with which to unify the people. On the one hand,
race replaced cultural identity and became the most common
symbol and tool for national unity.25 On the other hand, Chinese
intellectuals borrowed the notion of “race” and Western racial
theories to reconstruct a new position for China in the world.
From the 1890s onwards, leading Chinese intellectuals like Liang
Qichao 梁启超and Tang Caichang
唐才常began disseminating a five-category
classification of humanity according to skin colour (yellow,
white, red, brown and black).26 They accepted the idea of a
racial hierarchy, albeit with the “yellow race,” to which the
Chinese belonged, put on an equal footing with the “white race”;
all other races were considered inherently inferior. Faced with
the threat of wangguo miezhong, they viewed world affairs as a
ruthless competition between races and developed the idea of
“racial wars” (zhongzhan 种战) in which the yellow
race would be the ultimate and sole rival of the white race.27
>
> Following China’s defeat in the First Sino-Japanese War,
Chinese reformers systematically used these discourses to
demonstrate that reform was both necessary and feasible. Japan’s
success in emulating the West, and especially its victory in the
Russo-Japanese War, provided further evidence of the potential
of the yellow race. Western discourses on the “yellow peril,”
introduced to China via Japan, were reappropriated to prove the
strength of the yellow race. Notably, Chinese intellectuals
tended to ignore the role of Japan in these Western discourses
and matter-of-factly positioned the Chinese as the leading force
among the yellow races.28 In positioning the “yellow race” as
the only qualified competitor of the whites, with the Chinese as
the leader or the “genuine yellow,” these discourses
reconstructed the Chinese identity and comfortably placed the
Chinese on a level with the “whites” and above all other
“races.”
>
> These racial ideas, developed in the late 19th century, were
closely linked to the Chinese adoption and adaptation of Western
theories of evolution. Following Yan Fu’s严复early
introduction of evolutionary theories, Chinese intellectuals
were particularly drawn to the idea of a struggle for survival
and consistently applied it to human society, particularly in
the context of “racial wars.”29 Such ideas also laid the
foundation for the later acceptance of Marxist historical
materialism by early Chinese communists.30 Later, a Marx-Engels
version of cultural evolution was introduced to the Chinese
education curriculum and instilled into generations of Chinese.
A ladder-like vision of history, with steps representing “the
formations of human society from low level to high level,”
remains at the core of the teaching of history in China today.31
As a result, ranking societies, nations, groups and “races” in a
hierarchy of “civilization” is nothing but normal in China.
>
> On the other hand, Marxist internationalism discourses in the
Mao era stressed a Third World solidarity that transcended
racial boundaries and condemned racism as an evil of colonialism
and Western imperialism.32 However, such discourses posited
China as defending the ThirdWorld from Western imperialism and
capitalism.33 Seemingly opposed to the “racial hierarchy” put
forward in the late 19th century, these discourses still
reflected an ideological framework that positioned China/
Chinese as equal rivals to the West/whites, with Africa/Africans
as passive victims waiting to be saved.
>
> In contemporary China, racial thinking still underpins Chinese
nationalism, and “race” has been used to mark the outer
boundaries of the “Chinese people” and the Chinese nation.34
What is more subtle and less discussed in the literature is that
Chinese racial nationalism is also characterized by an
internalization of Western/white superiority. This
internalization has played, and is continuing to play, a
powerful role in the shaping of a Chinese national-racial
identity and in the formation of Chinese attitudes towards
Africans.
--- End Quote ---
Source :
Binxin Zhang. Africans in China, Western/White Supremacy and the
Ambivalence of Chinese Racial Identity. The China Quarterly,
2024, 16 p. 10.1017/S0305741024000286.
hal-04532000
White plague not yet death
*****************************************************
Page 1 of 1