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#Post#: 11718--------------------------------------------------
Belgium & Monarchy
By: Chandrasekhi Date: October 19, 2020, 11:48 pm
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A discussion on the State of Belgium and its Monarchy -
Phillipe's role as Monarch in a country in political deadlock
(perhaps a better Subject Description is needed)
#Post#: 11719--------------------------------------------------
Re: Belgium & Monarchy
By: Chandrasekhi Date: October 19, 2020, 11:56 pm
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HTML https://brusselsreporter.com/brussels/2020/of-race-and-royalty-how-the-king-surprised-belgium/
[Quote]
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Deadlocked
That second part of his job — king of a nation — is proving to
be the trickiest.
After all, he’s head of state of a country that has been in a
political deadlock since elections in May 2019. The future of
his country — and, to a limited extent, his own job — depends on
the country’s politicians finding a way out of the stalemate. It
might not be Philippe’s job to govern, but it is his job to
ensure proper governance.
As in the United Kingdom, there’s a strong consensus in Belgium
that the monarch should stay out of politics. But the
prohibition does not apply when there’s no government. Whereas
the British queen does not get involved in coalition building
and only ceremoniously appoints the prime minister, the Belgian
king has a key role in the forming of a new government.
Queen Mathilde has won praise for being more accessible to the
public.
It’s at that time when his political power is at its height —
and at the same time, at its most vulnerable. The palace is well
aware that the Netherlands in 2012 chose to limit the head of
state’s role in government formation.
In cases where political parties struggle to come to an
agreement (an increasingly common occurrence in Belgium), it is
the king’s job to try to forge an agreement. As part of the
process, the king invites political leaders for colloque
singulier, private meetings held under conditions of strict
secrecy.
“It’s not an easy job,” said a Belgian political leader,
speaking on condition of anonymity. “He manages to ask the right
questions, gets a sense of all our sensitivities and tries to
make a decision that is best for the stability of the country.”
Philippe has taken a different approach from that of his father,
who was often criticized for not giving the Flemish nationalists
a fair chance. Philippe even invited the far-right Vlaams Belang
for consultations at the palace after they became the second
biggest party in Flanders last May. The invitation caused uproar
in the French-speaking part of Belgium, but the palace defended
the move by saying that ignoring them would have been met with
incomprehension in Flanders.
In contrast to his father, who always kept his chief of staff
next to him during audiences, Philippe speaks to politicians
alone, “I felt him concerned, a little worried, committed and
constructive. These interviews are well prepared — he has
background information about you before you arrive,” said
François De Smet, leader of the French-speaking nationalist
party Défi, after his audience with the king.
So far, more than a year after the 2019 election, Philippe has
yet to find a stable coalition — Prime Minister Wilmès heads an
emergency government given provisional powers during the
coronavirus crisis. But few blame him for the impasse.
The end of Belgium
The reaction to Phillippe’s letter to the Congo highlights the
challenge facing the monarch: What if Belgium’s needs are too
big to solve?
While the move was broadly welcomed by most Belgian politicians,
among Flemish far-right nationalists it served as yet another
reason to complain about the Walloons.
“The Flemish people had nothing to do with Belgium’s colonial
history,” said Wouter Vermeersch, a member of the Belgian
parliament for Vlaams Belang. “It was the royal family and the
French-speaking haute finance who were responsible. If someone
has to pay for mistakes in the past, it’s them.”
Flemish nationalists recognize the monarch’s role as a
factor of stability and the king’s importance in promoting
economic interests abroad.
The political impasse — one of the most complicated in the
country’s complicated history — has revived questions about the
future of Belgium. The country’s quarreling regions aren’t just
linguistic rivals, they’re moving quickly apart politically.
Flanders votes more to the right, and Wallonia further to the
left. The country was already sinking into debt before the
crisis, and the coronavirus will lead to a deficit of €42 to €50
billion, or 10 to 12 percent of the country’s GDP. This doesn’t
make it easier to get parties around the table, said Dujardin,
the UCLouvain professor.
Flemish nationalists advocate for a deep overhaul of the
country’s governing structure, which would gut national
authority and give more power to the regions. The coronavirus
was for them yet another sign that the relationship with the
Walloons has run its course.
Philippe’s fans can console themselves with the fact that his
crown does not necessarily depend on his success in keeping the
country together. Greater Flemish autonomy wouldn’t necessarily
make him the last king of the Belgians.
Flemish nationalists recognize the monarch’s role as a factor of
stability and the king’s importance in promoting economic
interests abroad. Few in the country are eager to brave the
disruption splitting the country would entail.
Separating Belgium would be like 10,000 Brexits, said De Smet,
the leader of Défi. “It would reverberate an awful message
across Europe if we can’t hold together a small country with
three languages and 11 million inhabitants!”
The situation might look hopeless now, but Philippe is not yet
out of options to end the political deadlock. New elections are
still a possibility, as is another emergency government. As
former Belgian Prime Minister Gaston Eyskens said: “Belgium is
tougher than one thinks.”
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