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#Post#: 17505--------------------------------------------------
Re: The fearless evangelist
By: patrick jane Date: September 12, 2020, 10:08 pm
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HTML https://www.christianitytoday.com/edstetzer/2020/september/latest-evangelicals-becoming-catholics-mark-galli.html
Evangelicals Becoming Catholics: Former CT Editor Mark Galli
Why do evangelicals convert to Catholicism and how should we
respond?
This Sunday, September 13, a man named Mark will become
confirmed as a Catholic. Why is this significant?
Mark Galli, who will be confirmed under the name of St. Francis,
is a former Presbyterian pastor and editor-in-chief for
Christianity Today. And, as RNS noted, for a few days last
December he was perhaps the best-known evangelical in the nation
for his editorial calling for the impeachment and removal of
Donald Trump from the presidency.
Galli, however, says the timing of his conversion to Catholicism
two months before the next election is for personal reasons.
After 20 years in the Anglican Church, he believes moving to
Catholicism is not a rejection of evangelicalism but taking his
"Anglicanism deeper and thicker."
His journey took him from Presbyterianism to becoming an
Episcopalian, then Anglican, with a brief time attending the
Orthodox Church. This runs counter to trends in the U.S., as
currently for every one convert to Catholicism, six leave the
tradition. But notable Protestants, from Elizabeth Ann Seton and
John Henry Newman, to G.K. Chesterton, Francis Beckwith, and
Tony Blair. The RNS article observed:
Some converts are drawn to the beauty of Catholic ritual. Others
to the church’s rich intellectual tradition or the centrality of
the Eucharist, the bread and wine used for Communion, which
Catholics believe becomes the body and blood of Jesus Christ.
For Galli that was part of it, but his fatigue with
evangelicalism contributed as well. "I want to submit myself to
something bigger than myself," He said, adding:
One thing I like about both Orthodoxy and Catholicism is that
you have to do these things, whether you like it or not, whether
you’re in the mood or not, sometimes whether you believe or not.
You just have to plow ahead. I want that.
Why do Evangelicals Become Catholics?
A Catholic Perspective
Beauty: In the National Catholic Register an article on the book
Evangelical Exodus: Evangelical Seminarians and Their Pathsto
Rome noted beauty as one reason. No less than ten Southern
Evangelical Seminary students contributed to this book, as did
Francis Beckwith of Baylor.
Editor (and convert) Douglas Beaumont observed:
​In Protestantism, there's a tendency to dismiss any
reason other ​​than the intellectual. But as human
beings, we're both physical and spiritual ​creatures. In
the Catholic Church, he found, intellect and reason are
respected; ​but the Catholic Church is also more beautiful
and more historical. There is an ​attractive package which
draws the spirit, combining art and music and beauty, a
​long history, and tradition, with solid intellectual
arguments.
Spirituality: Scott Hahn, another former evangelical now
Catholic, in his chapter "Come to the Father: The Fact at the
Foundation of Catholic Spirituality," in Four Views on Christian
Spirituality, notes the great diversity of expressions of
spirituality from the
. . . silence of the Trappists and the Pentecostal praise of the
Charismatic Renewal; the rarified intellectual life of the
Dominicans and the profound feeling of the Franciscans; the
wealth of the knights of Malta and the elected poverty of the
Missionaries of Charity; the strict enclosure of the Carthusians
and the world-loving secularity of the Opus Dei; the bright
colors of Central American devotional art and the austere blocks
of the German cathedrals; the warrior spirit of the Templars and
the serene pax of the Benedictines; Ignatian detachment and
Marian warmth.
He argues this shows the richness of Catholic spirituality which
"presents a forest indiscernible because of the variety and
number – and even the age – of its trees.”
From First Things​
First Things often offers an intellectually respectable,
nonpartisan examination of religious and other matters. In an
article entitled “Why Do Evangelicals Convert to Catholicism?”
Adam Omelianchuk offers reasons evangelicals convert to
Catholicism:
Authenticity and beauty in worship. Though many Catholics left
for more vibrant evangelical services, many miss the sense of
awe and reverence seen in the liturgy of the church, as it
“represented something sacred and beautiful.”
Intellectualism. “Catholicism has a rich intellectual pedigree
that remains competitive in today’s marketplace of ideas that
evangelicals hardly match. Catholics have traditionally been
leaders in such high professions like law, medicine, and
education, and Catholic universities often compete with and far
surpass those funded by the secular public. For a Christian
intellectual, Catholicism can be an antidote to evangelicalism’s
rampant anti-intellectualism.”
Church Polity. The various approaches of elder-led vs.
elder-ruled, the role of women, and other areas of dispute among
evangelicals makes the hierarchical approach of Catholicism
appealing for some when compared to "competing with one another
by the means of building a ministry around a cult of
personality, which so often drives evangelical ecclesiology.”
An Evangelical Assessment: Scott McKnight
McKnight examined this issue in an article for JETS (Journal of
the Evangelical Theological Society) entitled (ironically, for
this moment) "From Wheaton to Rome: Why Evangelicals Become
Roman Catholic."
He quotes Chesterton who says he took the path of Rome "to get
rid of my sins." McKnight argues Scott Hahn noted above and
musician (from the Jesus People Movement days) John Michael
Talbot––who moved from a Pentecostal-Fundamentalist faith to
becoming a Franciscan––offered two notable examples to
understand the transition.
McKnight offered four specific areas to help understand the move
to Catholicism.
These transitions are institutional in nature. It is not a
conversion to Christ but a perceived conversion to the fullness
of the Christian faith.
The context of the converts. McKnight notes how difficult it is
to convert from evangelicalism to Catholicism and that it is not
done lightly or without opposition from family and friends.
A "crisis" through various factors. An example is the desire for
transcendence, manifested in four key areas: certainty, history,
unity, and authority. There is a weighty continuity in the
history of Rome with the early Fathers, the Medieval
theologians, and more. The splintering of evangelicalism causes
some to admire both the centralized authority and the confession
of the church as "one" in Catholicism.
Quest, encounter, and commitment. “The quest of an ERC
[Evangelical to Roman Catholic) moves most often along the path
of encountering transcendence, though intellectual satisfaction
is the primary feature of that quest."
McKnight concludes with two contrasting points. First, there
will continue to be evangelicals concerting to Catholicism
"until the evangelical churches can get a firmer grip on
authority, unity, history, liturgy, and a reasonable form of
certainty on interpretation."
Second, "until the Roman Catholic Church learns to focus on
gospel preaching of personal salvation, on the importance of
personal piety for all Christians—and abandons its historical
two-level ethic—and personal study, and on the Bible itself,
there will be many who will leave Catholicism to join in the
ranks of evangelicalism."
So what are my thoughts?
Well, a few parts of my own journey. First, I was raised
nominally Roman Catholic in a New York City, Irish Catholic
household. We were not active, though it did leave an impact on
my life. Interestingly, my mother came to faith through the
Catholic Charismatic Cursillo movement.
While doing my M.Div., I attended a Catholic seminary (and later
transferred the credits to a Southern Baptist seminary). While I
was there, I took preaching (which, was not particularly helpful
as you might imagine) and Reformation History. It turns out they
have an entirely different view of that Reformation thing!
Mark is a friend—the Red Apple behind Christianity Today is our
lunch spot. We agreed on much, though we differed at
times—always amicably. (I did ask him about the photographer at
his new Catholic church and he pointed out that was from RNS.) I
also asked how long this was in process—was it while you were
writing your closing thoughts to evangelicals? (He told me he
explains more in his forthcoming book.)
However, I don’t blame converts. I do try to understand them.
And, like Mark felt it necessary to put Christianity Today on
record about sexuality after a former editor changed his view, I
thought it might be helpful to publish in the same magazine
about his conversion.
You see, I’ve known converts to Catholicism, and have talked
through the process with them. I get part of the reasons.
Actually, my own family converted to Eastern Orthodoxy (with my
stepfather becoming a priest). (I explain that here, in a long
article about Hank Hanegraaff’s conversion to Orthodoxy.)
Yet, I am (and remain) a conservative, evangelical protestant.
Furthermore, in that subcategory, I am a Baptist. And, for good
or for ill, my theological convictions of thirty years ago
remain pretty consistent. I lean reformed, believe in all the
spiritual gifts, and think the gospel works by grace alone, by
faith alone.
Yet, there are some things that a moment like this might cause
some self-reflection.
Here’s where it brings me. The strengths of evangelicalism also
reveal our weaknesses.
First, we are strong on the act of conversion, but not so much
on ongoing sanctification subsequent to the new birth. We need a
much more robust view of church, community, and the fullness of
Christian life.
Second, most, not all, evangelicals shy away from overly
ritualistic or liturgical worship, yet in so doing we turn our
services into performances and our time of singing into the
latest play list of what’s new. We have lost a sense of history
and heritage and have replaced the depth and breadth of historic
Christianity with the surface effects of pop culture.
Third, we emphasize practical Christianity (to the place of
sheer pragmatism sometimes) and too often ignore contemplation.
Yet most of us hunger for that which is beyond us, something
that cannot be captured in a four-point self-help sermon or
answered with a sound bite. “I came to church to meet with an
awesome God,” one unchurched person said at a megachurch she
visited, “But all I got was a Tony Robbins event.”
Fourth, we preach and teach the imminence of God, who can be our
friend and, in application, our life coach, who is interested in
the now of life. But we ignore the vast transcendence of God and
his work in creation and in history. We champion busyness and
workaholism and ignore Sabbath rest and seasons of prayer,
because it would hinder our activism.
Fifth, our activism has led us, fairly or not, to be categorized
as Donald Trump foot soldiers, which unquestionably has
contributed to the rise of Ex-vangelicals. Perhaps some of these
will move to Catholicism, Orthodox, or Anglican traditions.
At the end of the day, I’m not just a Protestant, I’m a somewhat
non-ecumenical one. I’ve been told that I’ve spoken at more
evangelical denominational meetings than anyone living. (I don’t
keep track, so I don’t know, but I do value evangelical
collaboration for mission and evangelism—because of our common
view of the gospel.)
But, I’m not a signer or Evangelicals and Catholics Together and
I don’t generally engage in broader ecumenical conversations.
Simply put, my focus is generally on evangelism and mission/s,
and evangelicals and Roman Catholics generally do not align in
such endeavors. (If you’d be interested in a dialogue between
Catholics, Orthodox, mainline, and evangelical missiologists,
please see the book we all contributed to, The Mission of the
Church: Five Views in Conversation.)
The Protestant view of the gospel—and the five solas of the
reformation—are (in my view) the best representation and
understanding of the gospel. I think it was a restoration of
biblical (and in some ways Augustinian) understanding of the
gospel. Roman Catholics generally have a different view. They
believe, for example, that salvation is by grace, but not grace
alone, at least not in the same way Protestants do.
That gives us a different understand about the gospel—and, as
such, I’m disappointed to see Mark leave that understanding of
the gospel for another.
He’s my friend (and he has read and given feedback on this
article). I imagine we will talk over this at the Red Apple
Pancake House.
But I remain a Protestant because of what I see in the Bible,
the conversion Jesus worked in my heart by His grace, and the
imperfect community of evangelicals that together we once
served.
Ed Stetzer is executive director of the Wheaton College Billy
Graham Center, serves as a dean at Wheaton College, and
publishes church leadership resources through Mission Group. The
Exchange Team contributed to this article.
#Post#: 17590--------------------------------------------------
Re: The fearless evangelist
By: patrick jane Date: September 14, 2020, 6:12 pm
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Good thread Billy Boy
#Post#: 17629--------------------------------------------------
Re: The fearless evangelist
By: patrick jane Date: September 16, 2020, 9:31 am
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HTML https://www.christianitytoday.com/news/2020/september/evangelicals-for-social-action-name-change-christian.html
Evangelicals for Social Action Leaves Behind ‘Evangelical’ Label
The 47-year-old organization sticks with the broader movement’s
mission but not its name.
Evangelicals for Social Action, the justice-focused group
founded by Ron Sider, has called itself “a different kind of
evangelical.” As of today, it’s the kind that doesn’t call
itself evangelical.
After nearly 50 years, the organization has changed its name to
Christians for Social Action, becoming the latest and most
prominent example of a move away from the “evangelical” label in
the US.
Executive director Nikki Toyama-Szeto cited the shift in
identity among the younger, more racially diverse generation of
leaders as well as examples of how the historic name had begun
to distract from its work.
“Honestly, the name change is an act in hospitality. In some
ways, it reflects a change in our audience of what they’re
calling themselves. Our audience is still evangelical, it’s
post-evangelical, and it’s evangelical-adjacent,” said
Toyama-Szeto, who has led the ministry since 2017. “When you
have a name like ‘Evangelicals for Social Action,’ you’re
limiting yourself to those who self-describe.”
Because of growing political baggage around the name, that pool
has become narrower. Plenty of people believe in the core
convictions of the faith—and are motivated by them to pursue
justice—without calling themselves evangelical anymore.
The election of President Donald Trump, who embraced his white
evangelical backing, represents an inflection point for
evangelical identity in the US. Fifteen percent of those who
considered themselves “evangelical” or “born again” in 2016 had
stopped using either label by the following year, according to
one voter survey, even though the overall number of evangelicals
had held steady.
Princeton University’s longstanding evangelical student ministry
dropped the name in 2017, saying it’s “increasingly either
confusing, or unknown, or misunderstood to students,” and a
growing number of Christian colleges, churches, and charities
have been forced to think strategically about when and how to
employ their evangelical identity.
“With the current roiling semantics over the world
‘evangelical,’ [Evangelicals for Social Action’s former name]
can lead to confusion over what this organization is or isn’t
affirming,” said Mark Labberton.
The Fuller Theological Seminary president edited the 2018 book
Still Evangelical?and wrote about how the term evolved into a
“theo-political brand.” In a statement, he said the group’s name
change made sense and offered more clarity.
“Evangelical” carried a political connotation beyond the work of
the organization, which focuses on issues like racial justice,
poverty, immigration, political engagement, LGBT dialogue, and
the environment.
“Having the name has been distracting in our partnership
conversations and in our bridge-building within the Christian
realm,” said Toyama-Szeto.
What was once a provocative label drawing attention to the fact
that evangelicals indeed stood up for justice causes has in
recent years become a complicating factor. She recalled how a
black church leader got pushback for supporting a group with
evangelical in its name.
And living in the Washington, DC, area, Toyama-Szeto said
acquaintances would conflate Evangelicals for Social Action with
other causes deemed “evangelical,” asking her about its
involvement in Israel, even though Evangelicals for Social
Action had no work there.
For Toyama-Szeto, the decision to change the name to Christians
for Social Action—made after months of prayer, discernment, and
discussion—does not represent a rejection of evangelicalism or
its evangelical partners. The organization remains committed to
a high view of Scripture and bearing witness to the gospel, she
said.
Instead, the new name offers a chance for the group to focus and
work more effectively on their cause and calling around
faith-fueled justice work.
She brought up a question that came up in their discussion, one
that others might consider as they wrestle with their own
evangelical names or identity statements: What was the
invitation from God to their organization?
“I think for some it will be to stand and bear witness to a rich
history of church tradition and to stir the imagination” to show
what evangelical really means, said Toyama-Szeto. “For us, we
felt like if we did that, it would be the one conversation we
had with everyone. We were wrestling with, ‘Is that the justice
conversation God has for us?’ It felt like overwhelmingly, that
was not our invitation.”
Evangelicals for Social Action grew out of the 1973 Chicago
Declaration of Evangelical Social Concern, which “challenged
evangelicals to emphasize social sins and institutionalized
evils as vigorously as they do personal sins.”
For the past 30 years, Evangelicals for Social Action has been
headquartered at Eastern University, which is affiliated with
the mainline American Baptist Churches USA and the Council for
Christian Colleges & Universities.
Even Sider, the organization’s founder and president emeritus,
stood by the evangelical label in the weeks after Trump’s
election.
In a piece for CT, he argued that the history of the term
overcame any modern qualms and was worth clinging to.
“Popular media learned … that evangelical has often meant unjust
and unbiblical,” said the author of Rich Christians in an Age of
Hunger. “Over time, we can help the larger society come to a
better understanding of what an evangelical is.”
But he also wrote then that Christians must focus first on
“faithfulness to Jesus and the Scriptures, not some label,” and
has come around in the past four years to believe it’s time for
a change. “It was the right name—for a time. But the social
environment is so different,” Sider says now.
The question, “Can you be evangelical without calling yourself
evangelical?” isn’t uncommon these days. Fellow Christians,
organizations, and churches have also had to grapple with the
changing social environment where “evangelical,” in some
circles, has lost its reputation as a robust, wide-reaching
missional movement.
About a quarter of Americans are evangelical Protestants,
according to Pew Research. People of color and young people in
particular have increasingly grown uncomfortable identifying
with a movement some assume is exclusively white, Republican,
and fundamentalist. Questions continued to stir around how to
define evangelicals and, if evangelicals were not going to use
that term, how else they might signal their belief.
From sociologists and historians to ministry leaders, plenty of
Christians are discussing those questions in public and working
hard to bring evangelicals together—perhaps none as much as the
National Association of Evangelicals (NAE), which represents
more than 40 denominations and is now led by an Asian American
president and African American board chair.
“Some who hold evangelical beliefs may distance themselves from
the name due to cultural misunderstanding and confusion. Others
may find the term provides an opportunity to explain what
‘evangelical’ means and to share the good news with others,”
said Walter Kim, NAE president. “How people identify themselves
or their organizations is not theimportant thing. What is
important is believing in Jesus Christ as Savior and Lord,
taking the Bible seriously and serving him in word and deed.”
Toyama-Szeto said she continues to support the work of the NAE
and others working diligently to reclaim the evangelical label.
Through Christians for Social Action, she will let her work
define what kind of Christian she is. “In this day and age,” she
said, “justice is one of the ways you testify to the character
of God.”
#Post#: 17743--------------------------------------------------
Re: The fearless evangelist
By: patrick jane Date: September 19, 2020, 12:34 am
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HTML https://www.christianitytoday.com/news/2020/september/evangelicals-for-trump-faith-voters-campaign-rally-georgia.html
This Election, Evangelical Supporters Have More Faith in Trump
The campaign emphasizes another side of the president at
“prayer, praise, and patriotism” rallies.
Joann Roberts had never been to a political rally before.
She prays for President Donald Trump every day and watches
messages from his faith advisers online, including
televangelists Paula White-Cain and Jentezen Franklin. When
Roberts heard they would be speaking at a campaign event in
Georgia, the Southern Baptist mom of three took off from her job
as a hospital administrator and made the hour-long drive to a
field in the far-flung Atlanta suburbs.
Wearing a neon pink shirt printed with the slogan “God, Family,
Guns, and Trump,” she fit right in.
The 500-plus crowd at this week’s Evangelicals for Trump rally
included local politicians, GOP organizers, and even an
unannounced visit by Georgia Gov. Brian Kemp, but most were
people like Roberts. They were veterans, retired couples,
bikers, college students, and homeschool moms, all Christians
who felt like this year they needed to do something more to show
their support.
Several volunteers distributing hand sanitizer and masks (not
required, but around a quarter wore them) said this was their
first time working with a political campaign. They traded
stories about going door to door for Trump and turning their
guest rooms into makeshift call centers. They compared churches
and voting districts. They offered compliments over their MAGA
gear. “I got it at Ace Hardware,” one woman beamed when asked
about her Trump 2020 mask. “They can’t keep them in stock!”
More than anything, these Georgia Christians gushed over what
they had seen during Trump’s presidency: a leader who came
through on his pledge to appoint conservative justices, defend
religious freedom, and oppose abortion. “He really just kept his
promises,” said Fred Engel, wearing a red plaid shirt and a
volunteer lanyard around his neck. “I don’t remember a single
politician in my 68 years who did that.”
While detractors critique the president as divisive, arrogant,
and cruel, voters like Engel instead view Trump as a family man,
with the devoted support of Ivanka, Don Jr., and Eric, who came
out to stump for his father at the Cumming, Georgia, rally. The
crowd offered up a collective “amen” when Eric suggested that
“in the Bible, it’s always an imperfect person” used by God.
“I believe my father was put here for a reason,” the younger
Trump son said. “It was because of a higher deity and entity,
and that’s why the evangelical community has rallied around
him.”
Despite the white evangelical turnout for Trump before, it
wasn’t quite like this last time.
“I believe most evangelicals—most pastors for certain—four years
ago probably voted against Hillary Clinton. Four years later,
many if not most are voting for Donald Trump,” said Chuck Allen,
a local pastor who prayed to open the event. “That’s a
significant difference.”
Polls back him up on the first part. A majority of white
evangelicals who planned to vote for Trump in 2016 were driven
more by their opposition to Clinton than by the appeal of Trump
as a candidate, Pew Research showed.
But now, while Trump’s evangelical opponents are more vocal
against the president’s polarizing rhetoric and America First
policies, supporters instead say they have reason for more
enthusiasm. They cite Trump’s conservative stances in office and
the spiritual backing of several evangelical leaders who have
had an open door to pray with him at the White House throughout
his first term.
As sociologist Gerardo Martí wrote, Trump has made inroads with
evangelicals “because he engages in actions in support of
religiously defined group interests rather than as a result of
statements of belief or piety of behavior.” Even with some slips
over the first half of the year, more than half of white
evangelicals (59%) still “very strongly” approved of the
president as of this summer, compared to 29 percent of Americans
overall.
The Trump campaign has set out to maximize that support. It
amped up its evangelical outreach, beginning with a kickoff
event in Miami at the start of the year featuring No. 45 himself
and continuing with hundreds of local MAGA meetups and dozens of
“prayer, praise, and patriotism” events ahead of the November
election.
Leading the charge is the president’s pastor and top prayer
partner White-Cain, who recounts how she has served as a
spiritual adviser for the businessman-turned-politician for
nearly 20 years and took on an official White House role in
2019. She brings along husband Jonathan Cain from the band
Journey, leading to requisite references to “Don’t Stop
Believin’” and “Faithfully.” At the event, he performed to an
audio track of a worship song he wrote called “Freedom in Your
Grace.”
The campaign has also enlisted fellow evangelical advisers and
pastors like Franklin, whose son now works for the campaign;
National Hispanic Christian Leadership Conference executive vice
president Tony Suarez, who has joined four Evangelicals for
Trump events so far this year; and Allen, who was enlisted to
join an upcoming event in Phoenix after helping with the one in
his area.
Evangelicals for Trump events are set up differently than the
larger rallies for a broader Trump crowd, starting off with an
invocation and familiar praise music. In a divisive and
defensive election year, the gathering in Georgia this week,
held outside a local barn event space, hummed with the calm
relief of shared faith and shared politics. No rowdy factions.
No snarky signs. No hollering or boos.
Attendees, seated in folding chairs spaced a couple feet apart,
slowly swayed as they sang along to “This Is Amazing Grace” and
“Way Maker,” performed by a stripped-down worship band from
Allen’s church, a nearby nondenominational congregation with
4,500 attendees.
While the faith leaders focused mostly on the administration’s
victories, Eric Trump criticized the “radical” protesters taking
the streets in cities across the US and the decision for some
states to allow businesses to reopen before churches.
There were four standing ovations for law enforcement, who were
present at the event as security. The only reference to violence
faced by black Americans—the inciting incidents leading to the
recent protests—came from Franklin, who expressed frustration at
false divisions: “It’s like if you’re for President Trump … that
means you’re automatically not upset if you see a black man
being beaten or choked to death in the streets. I stand for
both. I stand for justice and righteousness.”
Perhaps the weather helped things feel particularly peaceful
too. It was the coolest day all summer in the area—overcast,
breezy, and 70 degrees. The invocation prayer referenced a
“God-ordained” forecast.
Even when it began to drizzle, attendees stayed seated,
applauding and waving when they noticed Eric Trump sneak out the
side of the barn to jet off to his next campaign appearance and
mm-hmming in agreement during closing prayers for Americans to
vote for “life, faith, and freedom.”
The Evangelicals for Trump events emphasize a softer side of the
notoriously combative president, with stories about the
president’s faith and family alongside lists of political wins.
White-Cain said “it was his idea” to call for prayer against the
“evil” of coronavirus. Eric admitted that the Trumps went into
the 2016 campaign “not knowing a damn thing about politics,” but
they worked together as a family and “God got us here.”
Though he is a vocal Trump supporter, as a pastor, Allen
recognizes the tension between the draw of the president’s
conservative political priorities and the turnoff of his
reputation as a bully.
“President Trump doesn’t make it easy for evangelicals,” said
Allen, who built a rapport with Trump’s team during visits to
the Mexican border two years ago and to the Bahamas after
Hurricane Dorian last summer. “I wish you could see a more
compassionate Trump that I believe sincerely exists, but there’s
just so much bluster around him.”
Allen estimates that his nondenominational, blue-collar
congregation, Sugar Hill Church, is about “60 percent Trump and
40 percent anyone-but-Trump,” but the Trump faction has become
more eager to take a stand.
Sugar Hill, he said, has benefited from a Trump economy, its
members boasting more jobs and more sales, even in recent
months. (The statewide unemployment rate has fallen back down to
5.6 percent, better than the national average.) As a result, the
church has been able to expand its ministry reach, launching new
worship sites and supporting hundreds of families with rent
assistance and meal distribution during the pandemic.
The coronavirus pandemic, of course, has become a top issue for
voters, and it’s also shaping the way campaigns and elections
are being held in 2020. While the Trump campaign has continued
to put on in-person events to rally Republican Party faithful,
the Believers for Biden outreach has focused on virtual events
and discussions.
“I don’t think in-person events will affect mobilization per se,
but these events seem to serve a purpose in reinforcing certain
aspects of political identity,” said Daniel Bennett, chair of
the political science department at John Brown University.
“Specifically, those attending events like the Evangelicals for
Trump event are telling the world they’re not afraid of COVID
and won’t let a pandemic dampen their enthusiasm for the
election. Biden faith events, being virtual, align with the
Democratic narrative that the pandemic should be treated
seriously.”
Evangelicals attending the Georgia event may have had their
minds made up about Trump, but the rally urged them to become
more involved in getting others to vote for him. “I felt like
this was the last ‘charge’ I needed before the election,” said
Roberts.
Kemp, the Republican governor who narrowly beat out Democrat
Stacey Abrams in 2018, emphasized how individuals could make a
big difference for Trump. He suggested attendees think of “10
people you know, from your church, your neighborhood” whom they
might register to vote in Georgia. (“In person!” someone yelled
from the audience.)
Two tables offered voter registration information, and another
had voter guides from the Faith & Freedom Coalition. Like other
voter mobilization efforts targeting Christians, the Faith &
Freedom Coalition has had fewer opportunities to reach voters
in-person now that many churches and community events remain on
hold during the pandemic.
The coalition, which typically urges pastors to host a
“Registration Sunday” with a voter registration booth in their
church lobby, now also offers a video announcement with
instructions for registering from home.
“Based on my research, activities in church like voter
registration and get-out-the-vote drives are akin to small group
activities run by a few for the benefit of many,” said Paul
Djupe, a Denison University political scientist who has
researched political activity by churches. “I suspect that such
activities have collapsed during the pandemic, defaulting to
online worship and little else.”
Djupe found that distributing voter guides—like the ones from
the Faith & Freedom Coalition—was the most common
get-out-the-vote effort by evangelical churches, whereas black
Protestant congregations were more than twice as likely to hold
voter registration events.
With 49 days to go before the election, Trump backers at
Tuesday’s event disagreed over whether the president stands to
win in a landslide or another close race, but many repeated the
refrain that this was the most important election of their
lifetimes. Eric Trump and Allen referenced the potential for
additional Supreme Court appointments in the next term. Others
expressed broader concerns about freedom of speech, freedom of
religion, and the economy being threatened under a Democratic
administration.
“I did not get into this to be a politician. I’m a preacher …
But I knew if I remained on the sideline and silent, and if all
the preachers remained on the sideline and were silent,
something was going to happen in the direction of this nation
that could not ever be changed back again,” said Franklin, who
leads Free Chapel in Gainesville, Georgia.
Speaking to rows dotted with telltale red baseball caps, with
“Great Is Thy Faithfulness” playing in the background like an
altar call, the pastor offered a closing charge.
“In every election, we have a responsibility to vote our faith.
I don’t go in the booth and leave Jesus on the other side,” he
said. “If we vote, we win. If we don’t vote, we lose.”
#Post#: 18338--------------------------------------------------
Re: The fearless evangelist
By: patrick jane Date: October 3, 2020, 8:28 am
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Dr. Ibram Kendi, Amy Coney Barrett and Evangelical Adoption
Transracial adoption doesn't make you non-racist. But it doesn't
make you racist either.
Over this past weekend, Dr. Ibram X. Kendi, author of How to Be
an Antiracist, drew attention for his bold tweets in response to
a since-deleted tweet of Supreme Court nominee Amy Coney
Barrett’s sister holding two Black children. Amy Coney Barrett
herself has adopted two children from Haiti. He stated, in
multiple tweets:
Some White colonizers “adopted” Black children. They “civilized”
these “savage” children in the “superior” ways of White people,
while using them as props in their lifelong pictures of denial,
while cutting the biological parents of these children out of
the picture of humanity.
And whether this is Barrett or not is not the point. It if a
belief too many White people have: if they have or adopt a child
of color, then they can’t be racist.
After receiving pushback from other users on the platform, he
further clarified his position:
I’m challenging the idea that White parents of kids of color are
inherently “not racist” and the bots completely change what I’m
saying to “White parents of kids of color are inherently
racist.” These live and fake bots are good at their propaganda.
Let’s not argue with them.
I am nowhere near the first person to critique his comments, but
I would like to re-examine them in the light of the wider
relationship between evangelical Christians and adoption, as
well as my own personal experience as a transracial adoptee.
Does adoption make you “non-racist”? The short answer is no.
Dr. Kendi’s remarks are not about evangelicals in particular,
but it is not difficult to come to the conclusion that his
critique may have something to do with a religious movement that
has unfortunately become synonymous with “white in America.”
Kendi was responding to Amy Coney Barrett’s family, a woman who
seems to have become the Ruth Bader Ginsburg for conservatives
since her nomination to the Supreme Court was announced.
Kendi isn’t the first public figure to make such condemning
statement about the evangelical adoption movement. In 2013, The
Exchange published an article in response to a NPR interview
with Kathryn Joyce, author of The Child Catchers: Rescue,
Trafficking, and the New Gospel of Adoption, which I encourage
you to read. Evangelicals have been coming under fire for the
adoption movement for quite a while.
Joyce claimed that the current evangelical adoption movement was
an attempt to make evangelicals look better in the media. By and
large, I have not found this to be true, but I would be remiss
if I didn’t mention the story of family vloggers James and Myka
Stauffer, who are Christians, who found themselves in the middle
of a controversy this summer after “re-homing” an autistic child
they adopted from China.
To give a brief synopsis, the Stauffers chose to adopt this
child from China and then decided to re-home him once they
realized they could not provide for his needs, despite being
warned repeatedly of the high level of need this child required
throughout the adoption process. Due to their occupation as
family vloggers, they directly profited off of this young
child’s presence in their videos. As crude as it sounds, they
did gain positive PR from adopting a child with disabilities,
but once the adoption became too difficult, the child was no
longer a part of their family.
Unfortunately, there is a grain of truth to Joyce’s claims, as
well as Kendi’s. But it is just that: a grain. Many white people
believe that if they have adopted a child of color, then they
are automatically not racist. It is similar to the "Some of my
best friends are Black" defense. And just like that defense, it
does not hold up. This is a conversation I’ve had with my own
white family. Just because I am not white and a part of their
family does not mean their implicit biases are any less real.
How you view the nonwhite person in your family, that you might
have raised, is bound to be a different valuation than the
person of color you see on the street.
I acknowledge the truth in Kendi’s claim, and actually agree
with the idea that white parents of kids of color cannot claim
to be inherently “not racist” because of their adopted child.
However, I find nearly everything else about his tweets
indefensible, particularly after reflecting on my own story of
transracial adoption.
Please don’t dehumanize my experience to make a socio-political
statement.
First, I’d like to acknowledge that I am not Black, nor am I the
spokesperson for all adoptees. Each adoptee’s experience is
incredibly varied and I’ve never experienced what it means to be
Black in America. I have, however, experienced what it means to
be brown in America.
In 2001, I was adopted at a young age from a Christian orphanage
in Hyderabad, India. The family that adopted me—my family—lived
in Minneapolis, Minnesota. As you might be able to guess, they
are white. My adoptive mother traveled across the world, by
herself, to make me a part of her family. I think that’s an act
of love, that someone wanted me bad enough to seek me out. My
adoptive father grew up in the foster care system in
Minneapolis, Minnesota. My parents were not strangers to what it
means to be an orphan. They already had one child, my older
brother. I didn’t just happen to be a part of my family— I was
chosen.
Growing up, I remember attending SILC (School of Indian Language
and Culture) on Saturday mornings so that I could be around
other people who looked like me, and be immersed in my own
culture—there were no white children there. On one of my first
days in the United States, my family brought me to the mall to
get my ears pierced, as is customary for Indian babies.
Hyderabad is known as the “City of Pearls,” so my adoptive mom
brought home pearls that I still have today. Perhaps Kendi would
see these acts as using me as a prop, but I see them as marks of
unconditional love—an unconditional love that seeks to
acknowledge my cultural identity in any way that it can.
Kendi also states that these “colonizers” are “cutting the
biological parents of these children out of the picture of
humanity.” I don’t know how else to respond to this but by
saying this reality: They were already gone. If my biological
parents had the capacity or desire to be in my life, I wouldn’t
have been in an orphanage. That’s not my adoptive parents’
fault. It certainly isn’t my fault. That might not even be my
birth parents’ fault, but rather the result of a system that
failed all of us.
My story is not representative of the stories of all
adoptees—but neither are Kendi’s accusatory statements. Kendi
portrays transracial adoption as inherently evil, as just
another part of the very real, and very sinful, system of racism
that perpetrates all of our lives. Adoption, like many things,
is not that simple, and the notion that it can be undermines my
experience, my family, and my very existence. Am I any less
brown because my family is white? I don’t think so.
Without transracial adoption, I can’t guarantee that I would be
alive, much less alive, educated, and writing this very article.
Sitara Roden is a recent addition to The Exchange and serves as
Managing Editor. Roden also serves as Promotions Strategist at
the Wheaton College Billy Graham Center.
#Post#: 18418--------------------------------------------------
Re: The fearless evangelist
By: patrick jane Date: October 5, 2020, 11:36 am
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Interview: To Elect Trump, Evangelicals Could Find Common Cause
with Muslims
Surprising points of political commonality found between
religious groups in fifth annual American Muslim Poll.
In a tightly contested presidential race, might Muslims swing
the US election?
Referencing the release of President Donald Trump’s tax returns
in Tuesday’s debate, former vice president’s Joe Biden’s
“inshallah” [Arabic for “if God wills”] may have been a nod to
the strong support he receives from this community.
But according to data from the fifth annual American Muslim
Poll, Muslims make up only 1 percent of the American population,
only 74 percent are eligible to vote, and only 57 percent are
registered.
Why then do they occupy such an outsized space in the mind of
many American evangelicals? And what should evangelicals better
understand about the American Muslim community and their
political preferences?
CT spoke with Dalia Mogahed, director of research at the
Institute for Social Policy and Understanding (ISPU), which
commissioned the poll. Surveying 2,167 respondents—including
more than 800 Muslims, 350 Jews, 200 Catholics, and 200 white
evangelicals—ISPU aimed to showcase Muslim perspectives within
the context of America’s landscape of faith.
Among the findings is that American Muslims disproportionately
practice their politics at the local level. Over 1 in 5 has
attended a town hall meeting (22%), compared to white
evangelicals and the general public (12% vs. 15%).
And while only 27 percent of the general public reports
satisfaction over the direction of the country, both Muslims
(37%) and white evangelicals (42%) are more positive.
Are they satisfied with the same things?
CT and Mogahed discussed the social conservatism of many
American Muslims, their willingness to build coalitions on
pro-life and religious liberty issues, and the surprising
numbers concerning their approval rating of President Trump.
The level of support for President Trump has doubled among
Muslims, from 13 percent in 2018 and 16 percent in 2019 to 30
percent in 2020. How to you interpret this finding?
We are still trying to understand it ourselves. One thing is
that this growth in support came primarily from white Muslims.
They are about 20 percent of the community, but approved of
Trump’s performance at 50 percent, on par with white Americans
overall [48%]. Non-white Muslims were much lower [20–27%], on
par with non-whites in the general public [16–24%]. So there is
a salience of race in the Muslim community, just as there is in
America overall.
The second thing that may have contributed to the uptick is the
timing of the poll, which was right at the start of the
lockdown, mid-March to mid-April. There may have been a sense of
“rallying around the flag” as the president led the country at
that time.
Your poll also examined the attitude of the Muslim community
toward building coalitions with religious liberty and pro-life
groups. Might some of this increase in support for the president
be connected to his stand on these issues?
That also may have contributed. [Among] the variables linked to
support for Trump is support for religious liberty, as is
choosing the economy as the most important issue facing the
government. Interestingly, just like the general public,
identifying as white was also a predictor of support for the
president; so again, race is a salient factor.
What was most surprising to me is that religiosity—all else
being equal—was not a factor. But partisanship was.
So it doesn’t matter how pious Muslims are [71% said their faith
was important to their daily life in last year’s survey], or how
often they pray [43%]. These have no bearing on their political
choices.
Exactly. As is the case of the general public.
Looking closely at the coalition building figures, roughly half
of Muslims seem to be pro-life [49%], and roughly half support
issues surrounding religious liberty [47%]. But the question is
specifically about coalitions. How do you unpack these figures?
The question asked if you are in favor of building political
coalitions with activists working on the cause in question. The
community is split right in half, but this doesn’t necessarily
mean that the other half is not pro-life or doesn’t care about
religious liberty.
They may object for other reasons—if the activists have
objectionable views about Muslims, or other issues—despite
agreeing with them on abortion or religious liberty.
Are American Muslims pro-life? Do they favor restrictions on
abortion? Or is abortion an unclear matter in Islamic teaching?
The question is difficult to answer. I’ve never seen data on
what Muslims would say. Abortion is not as cut and dry as it may
be for many evangelicals.
There is a difference over when the soul is breathed into the
fetus’s life. Some say it is present at conception, while other
legal scholars say it comes at 120 days of gestation. Some of
the latter might say an abortion is allowed for specific reasons
up until this 120-day mark.
But despite many Muslims being against an abortion for
themselves, a minority would say they are wary of the government
regulating it, because it opens the door to regulating other
personal matters.
The community is very diverse in its views.
I think this would be a wonderful topic for a dialogue between
Muslims and evangelicals. I was surprised the figures for
coalition building were not higher for evangelicals in our poll
[53% favorable for religious liberty coalitions, and 57%
favorable for pro-life ones], as we give everyone the same
questions.
The polls suggest Muslims suffer disproportionate religious
discrimination [60%, compared to 33% of the general public]. So
one might think they would be in favor of building coalitions in
defense of religious liberty. Why is it that half of the
community [47%] does not?
I would say half of Muslims see the solution to religious
discrimination in terms of religious liberty—the first
amendment. The other half would see the solution in civil rights
laws.
This side is sometimes in conflict with religious liberty
activism, which sees coalition building as a threat to their
civil rights. If they don’t stick up for other groups who are
discriminated against, their own rights won’t be respected.
The other side says no, we should be aligned with religious
conservatives who want to give people the right to respect their
faith and determine how to run their schools, churches, and
mosques.
You really do have both sides in our community, in constant
debate.
Is this tension reflected also in the finding that 55 percent of
Muslims are not in support of building coalitions with LGBT
groups?
Muslim-Americans are on par with Catholics [61%] and the general
public [62%] in opposition to these coalitions. Those who
approve them [39% of Muslims] may see common cause between
Muslim issues and LGBT issues in terms of human rights.
How do Muslims interpret homosexuality within Islam?
This topic is much more cut and dry than abortion, and is not a
debate within the body of Islamic jurisprudence in any way. The
only sanctioned sexual activity is between a man and a woman in
the context of marriage, anything else is considered a sin.
But I do want to clarify that in Islam, simply being a gay,
lesbian, or bisexual is not a sin until it is acted upon. Islam
draws the line between thoughts and actions, and gives rewards
for self-restraint.
The debate is not about homosexual relations, but whether Muslim
civil rights and religious liberty is protected by supporting
other groups’ freedom to live their life as they choose.
This reminds me of last year’s survey, which polled Muslims on
the degree to which they wanted their religious law to influence
US legislation.
Some people within the Muslim, Christian [Catholics 28%,
Protestants 39%], and certainly within the [color=white]
evangelical community do favor their religious principles to
inform law. But Muslims are less likely than evangelicals to
favor a role for their faith in law [33% vs. 54%], and are on
par with the general public.
The poll shows that American Muslims favor the Democratic
candidate [51%] over the Republican candidate [16%]. But if
Muslims are socially conservative on so many issues, why do they
“lean left?”
Muslims are more socially conservative than the average
American—in terms of how they see sexual morality, for instance.
However, there are many things central to the Muslim belief
system that resonate with the Democratic party. One is care for
the poor. Health care as something people should have access to,
even if they can’t afford it. Protection of the environment.
These social welfare issues align with Islam as well.
Another issue, frankly, is the alienation of Muslims from the
Republican party, especially after 9/11 and the so-called “war
on terror,” and their perceived Islamophobia. Perhaps more
Muslims would identify as Republican if there wasn’t such a
hostile rhetoric against them from important leaders within the
party.
At a social level, last year’s poll showed a 33-percent
favorable rating toward evangelicals, compared to a 14-percent
unfavorable rating. Can you explain this positive opinion toward
evangelicals?
Unfortunately, the opposite is not true. Evangelicals are much
more likely to have negative opinions of Muslims [44%
unfavorable vs. 20% favorable], so the view is not reciprocated.
Why are Muslims neutral to positive? Muslims tend to respect and
admire religious devotion, and they tend to see evangelicals as
people who take their faith seriously, and live according to its
teaching.
As our country tends more and more toward religious
non-affiliation and agnosticism or atheism, this is the ideology
that Muslims feel threatened by, not Christianity.
While evangelicals are responsible for their own community
attitudes, what are Muslims doing, or can do, to overcome these
negative perceptions?
Muslims are doing a great deal. I know of several
Muslim-evangelical interfaith activities. But the key thing that
needs to happen is for evangelical leaders to see Muslims in a
more accurate light. I’ve watched evangelical television, and I
am horrified by the way they speak about our community—things
that are simply not true.
I think a better understanding of our faith would go a long way,
as it tends to completely transform the view of Muslims. I’ve
seen this firsthand many times.
What have you heard evangelical leaders say in denigration?
I have heard people say that Muslims worship a false god, that
their faith is based in demonic teachings. I’ve heard this
directly and in person.
This is simply not true. Muslims worship the God of Abraham, the
same God Christians and Jews claim to worship. We have a
different concept of God—we do not believe in the Trinity—but to
accuse Muslims of demonic worship is so baseless and almost
laughable.
Satan is portrayed in the Quran as our enemy, as someone who
rebelled against God. I encourage everyone to just read the
Quran for themselves.
Within the evangelical community, the issue of “same God” is a
theological concern, not just a case of popular rhetoric. But if
religious differences cannot be set aside so easily, where do
you see examples of Muslims and evangelicals working on issues
of the common good?
I believe there is an anti-torture campaign these groups are
involved in, believing in the dignity of human beings as endowed
by their Creator. Poverty is another issue. These are two areas
where we can work together, with the younger generation
especially concerned about environmental protection.
We started with politics, so we can end with it also. Since many
evangelicals are inclined to vote for President Trump, and it is
expected to be a tight election, how can they convince Muslims
to vote for their candidate of preference?
They would have to reassure Muslims that President Trump
wouldn’t seek to harm their community, violate their rights, and
sanction discrimination against them. That he would make an
effort to lift the “Muslim ban.” I would emphasize the economy
and religious liberty, things pro-Trump Muslims already agree
with. These would be my talking points.
The poll shows that Muslim support for Republicans has held
steady from 2016 to 2020 [at 16%]. But this year, only 51
percent said they prefer a Democrat, which is a significant
decline from 67 percent in 2016. And 28 percent of Muslims said
they were undecided.
Is there a sense that Muslims are not as solidly in the
Democratic camp as they were before?
I think there has been some erosion, especially because of
concerns for religious liberty. Whether this will lead them to
vote for President Trump, or just stay home, remains to be seen.
#Post#: 18490--------------------------------------------------
Re: The fearless evangelist
By: patrick jane Date: October 7, 2020, 8:17 am
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Evangelical Witness Is Compromised. We Need Repentance and
Renewal.
The National Evangelical Association calls Christians to affirm
their moral leadership.
Polarization is like powerful magnets placed throughout our
ideological spectrum. They pull us apart and clump us into
tribes. We have a hard time breaking away from the magnetic
security of being with like-minded people, who reinforce our
like-mindedness. Efforts to move toward others must labor
against that pull.
For this reason, the National Association of Evangelicals (NAE)
and World Relief have published a short sign-on statement of
repentance, renewal, and resolve. It is based on the 2004 NAE
document For the Health of the Nation, an evangelical call to
civic responsibility and a guide for public leadership.
The statement focuses on eight broad issues of moral importance
that are rooted in biblical convictions: protecting religious
freedom, safeguarding the sanctity of life, strengthening
families, seeking justice for the poor and vulnerable,
preserving human rights, pursuing racial justice, restraining
violence, and caring for God’s creation.
These issues do not exhaust the concerns of faith or government,
but they illustrate a breadth of commitments in which
evangelicals can engage in common action.
We are in a season in which the evangelical faith is being
narrowly defined and misunderstood by many, with long-term
ramifications for our gospel witness. We seek to present a
thoughtful, humble, biblically grounded statement of our
identity that we pray will function as a light shining on a hill
to a watching world, to the glory of our Father in heaven (Matt.
5:14–16).
These biblical values unite us across denominational,
geographic, ethnic, and partisan divides. Too many, especially
young people and people of color, have been alienated by the
evangelical Christianity they have seen presented in public in
recent years, and they may rightly wonder if there is a home for
them in evangelicalism. We have an opportunity to reaffirm with
conviction and clarity that our tradition is rooted in fidelity
to Christ and his kingdom values.
In rallying around these principles, we will also show those
outside the church that evangelicalism is not defined by
politics. Rather, we are motivated by love for God and our
neighbor.
We invite Christians to join us in affirming this statement. Now
is the time to promote faithful, evangelical, civic engagement
and a biblically balanced agenda as we seek to commit to the
biblical call to act justly, love mercy, and to walk humbly with
our God.
Walter Kim is president of the National Association of
Evangelicals.
Speaking Out is Christianity Today’s guest opinion column and
(unlike an editorial) does not necessarily represent the opinion
of the publication.
#Post#: 18830--------------------------------------------------
Re: The fearless evangelist
By: patrick jane Date: October 13, 2020, 4:50 pm
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Half of Protestant Pastors Back Trump
Recent Lifeway Research offers insight into how pastors are
voting in 2020.
Almost all Protestant pastors plan to participate in the 2020
election, but around a quarter still haven’t decided who will
get their presidential vote.
In the latest election survey, Nashville-based LifeWay Research
found 98% of Protestant pastors in the U.S. say they plan to
vote in the presidential election.
When they cast their ballot, 53% of pastors likely to vote say
they plan to do so for Donald Trump. Around 1 in 5 (21%) say
they are voting for Joe Biden. A similar percentage (22%) say
they are still undecided. About 4% say they are voting for a
different candidate.
“Pastors vote like any other American,” said Scott McConnell,
executive director of LifeWay Research. “The large number of
pastors who are still undecided may reflect difficulty in
finding a candidate who aligns with their overall beliefs. Also,
some pastors are intensely private about their political
preferences and may prefer to respond ‘undecided’ than to even
confidentially share their voting intentions.”
Presidential votes
Compared to 2016, the president has much higher levels of
support among pastors this year.
In a 2016 LifeWay Research survey, 40% of pastors were undecided
midway through September. Around a third supported Trump (32%).
Hillary Clinton, the Democratic party nominee, garnered 19%,
while Libertarian Gary Johnson had 4%.
For the 2020 election, support for the Democratic and
third-party candidates remains similar, but around half of the
number of undecided pastors in 2016 now say they will vote for
Trump.
“There were a lot of unknowns in 2016, including Trump being an
outsider candidate and little sense of how others would respond
to supporting his candidacy,” said McConnell. “Pastors know
their options for 2020, and a majority are willing to vote for
him.”
Among self-identified evangelical pastors, Trump’s support is
similar to that of evangelicals across the country. Almost 7 in
10 evangelical pastors (68%) say they plan to vote for the
president, compared to 20% of mainline pastors. In a recent
LifeWay Research survey, 6 in 10 Americans who hold evangelical
beliefs (61%) pick Trump over Biden (29%).
Among African American pastors, 61% choose Biden, while 6% say
they plan to vote for Trump. Younger pastors, age 18 to 44, are
the least likely age demographic to back the president for
reelection (41%).
Denominationally, Pentecostal (70%) and Baptist pastors (67%)
are more likely to vote for Trump than pastors in the
Restorationist movement (49%), Lutherans (43%),
Presbyterian/Reformed (24%) or Methodists (22%).
The same percentage of Protestant pastors in the U.S. and
American evangelicals by belief identify as Republican (51%).
Around 1 in 6 pastors (16%) say they are a Democrat, while 23%
see themselves as an independent.
Both major party presidential candidates retain the support of
pastors who identify with their party. More than 4 in 5
Democratic pastors (85%) plan to vote for Biden. Similarly, 81%
of Republican pastors support Trump.
Motivating issues
Unlike Americans with evangelical beliefs, Protestant pastors
say abortion and religious liberty are two of the most important
issues driving their presidential choice this November.
When asked which characteristics of the candidates are important
in deciding how to vote, clear majorities of pastors say the
candidate’s position on abortion (70%), their ability to protect
religious freedom (65%) and their likely Supreme Court nominees
(62%) are key factors.
Close to half point to an ability to improve the economy (54%),
ability to maintain national security (54%), personal character
(53%), their position on immigration (51%), ability to address
racial injustice (51%) and their position on the size and role
of government (47%).
Around a third (35%) say the candidate’s ability to slow the
spread of COVID-19 is important.
Pastors also selected the single issue most important to
determining their vote. Only the candidate’s position on
abortion (25%), their personal character (22%), ability to
protect religious freedom (16%) or likely Supreme Court nominees
(10%) are seen as the primary issue by at least 1 in 10
Protestant pastors.
In a recent LifeWay survey of all Americans, voters with
evangelical beliefs are most likely to point to an ability to
improve the economy (22%) and an ability to slow the spread of
COVID (16%) as the primary issue in deciding their presidential
vote. Fewer say abortion (11%) or religious freedom (11%) are
their primary issue.
“A microcosm of the national debate about COVID-19 has been
directed at pastors this year as they have made decisions about
necessary precautions for their own church,” said McConnell.
“Despite the drastic changes the pandemic has caused to ministry
and church practices, most pastors give much higher priority to
other national concerns than a candidate’s ability to slow the
spread of this virus.”
Evangelical and mainline pastors have different values they
believe are important in this election.
Protestant pastors who identify as evangelical are more likely
than mainline pastors to see as important in determining their
vote: abortion (82% to 38%), protection of religious freedom
(72% to 41%), likely Supreme Court nominees (70% to 53%),
maintaining national security (58% to 47%) and the size and role
of government (52% to 36%).
Mainline pastors, on the other hand, are more likely than their
evangelical counterparts to say addressing racial injustice (73%
to 44%), the candidate’s personal character (73% to 46%) and
slowing the spread of COVID-19 (55% to 28%) are a key part of
their presidential choice.
In terms of the most important issue in determining their vote,
evangelical pastors are more likely than mainline pastors to say
abortion (33% to 5%), while mainline pastors are more likely to
point to personal character as the most vital issue in this
election (44% to 14%).
For more information, view the complete report or visit
LifeWayResearch.com.
Methodology: The mixed mode survey of 1,000 Protestant pastors
was conducted Sept. 2 to Oct. 1, 2020 using both phone and
online interviews. For phone interviews, the calling list was a
stratified random sample, drawn from a list of all Protestant
churches. Quotas were used for church size. For online
interviews, invitations were emailed to the LifeWay Research
Pastor Panel followed by three reminders. This probability
sample of Protestant churches was created by phone recruiting by
LifeWay Research using random samples selected from all
Protestant churches. Pastors who agree to be contacted by email
for future surveys make up this LifeWay Research Pastor Panel.
Each survey was completed by the senior or sole pastor or a
minister at the church. Responses were weighted by region and
church size to more accurately reflect the population. The
completed sample is 1,007 surveys (502 by phone, 505 online).
The sample provides 95% confidence that the sampling error does
not exceed plus or minus 3.4%. This margin of error accounts for
the effect of weighting. Margins of error are higher in
sub-groups.
Aaron Earls is a writer for LifeWay Christian Resources.
#Post#: 18915--------------------------------------------------
Re: The fearless evangelist
By: patrick jane Date: October 15, 2020, 10:24 pm
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#Post#: 19095--------------------------------------------------
Re: The fearless evangelist
By: patrick jane Date: October 19, 2020, 10:09 am
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[img]
HTML https://www-images.christianitytoday.com/images/119862.jpg?w=700[/img]
HTML https://www.christianitytoday.com/news/2020/october/white-evangelical-voters-for-trump-pew-lifeway-survey.html
White Evangelicals Are Actually for Trump in 2020, Not Just
Against His Opponent
Polls show faithful supporters no longer see the Republican
incumbent as the “lesser of two evils.”
While white evangelicals’ support for President Donald Trump is
close to the strong backing he enjoyed in 2016, voters’
motivations have shifted during his first term at the White
House.
This year, a majority are excited to get behind Trump, rather
than being primarily motivated by a distaste for his opponent.
Among white evangelical Trump supporters, most characterize
their vote in 2020 as “for Trump” (57%) and not “against Joe
Biden” (20%), according to new Pew Research Center survey
breakouts provided to CT.
Last presidential election, the numbers told a different story.
White evangelicals voting for the Republican were more likely to
say their vote was “against Clinton” (45%) than “for Trump”
(30%) in Pew’s 2016 survey—which researchers caution isn’t
directly comparable to the recent numbers because it was done by
phone, while this year’s was done online.
Tony Suarez, executive vice president of the National Hispanic
Christian Leadership Conference, says four years will change
your perspective. He served on Trump’s faith advisory panel
leading up to the 2016 election. This time, he’s actively
campaigning for reelection.
“Now I’m more than an adviser,” said Suarez, who has spoken at
Evangelicals for Trump events around the country. “It’s my call
because of what I’ve seen in the last four years. … He respects
prayer, receives prayer, and respects the faith community, but
he gets a bad rap.”
Trump’s reputation is also an animating factor on the Left,
where more Biden voters overall say they are voting “against
Trump” than “for Biden.”
The only religious group that considers itself “for Biden” is
black Protestants; 90 percent back the former vice president and
over half say they are voting for him and not against the
current president, Pew found. In comparison, among the 17
percent of white evangelicals who lean toward Biden,
three-quarters say they are motivated to vote “against Trump.”
Nathan Hoag, an evangelical pastor in Colorado, says his choice
to vote Democrat “has little to do with my approval of Biden and
almost everything to do with my disapproval of Trump.” He said
the decision was easier this year after seeing four years of the
administration’s policies.
Though it’s still a minority position among white evangelicals,
faith-based opposition to Trump has grown far more organized in
2020 and is focusing on the concerns shared by voters like Hoag.
Not Our Faith, a bipartisan Christian super PAC whose advisers
include former Obama staffer Michael Wear, is the latest effort
to launch. The organization will join a burgeoning
number—Republican Voters Against Trump, Christians Against
Trumpism, Evangelicals for Biden, and Pro-Life Evangelicals for
Biden—formed to rally believers to vote the current president
out of office.
The increasingly vocal opposition cites Christian convictions
around issues like racism, health care, poverty, and climate
science, as well as concerns with Trump’s tone.
“We believe Christians who use, excuse and embrace toxic
rhetoric to achieve specific policy ‘wins’ are short-sighted and
wrong,” stated Christians Against Trumpism.
Pro-Life Evangelicals for Biden said that beyond abortion, “Joe
Biden’s policies are more consistent with the biblically shaped
ethic of life than those of Donald Trump.”
Suarez and other evangelicals siding with the president have
pushed back against the evangelical minority speaking up for
Biden.
The president still feels the love from his evangelical base. On
a prayer call on Sunday evening, he said, “Whether it’s
evangelical, whether it’s Christian evangelical, call it
whatever you want, people of religion, this is the most
important election of our lives. We have got to get out and we
have to vote.”
Joined by his daughter-in-law Lara Trump, pastor Paula
White-Cain, and other evangelical leaders who have joined
campaign efforts, the president—less than a week after being
discharged from his coronavirus hospitalization—offered up his
prayers.
“I want to thank God for working miracles, and I want to ask God
for the wisdom and grace to lead our country and to lead it on
the top level,” Trump said to more than 100,000 supporters
tuning in. “We’re going to make America greater than ever
before.”
For white evangelicals who have stood by Trump, this is what
they see from the president: a leader who prays and welcomes
their prayers and who has kept his promises to improve the
economy, uphold pro-life stances, and appoint conservative
justices.
Like white evangelicals overall, evangelical pastors have grown
more confident in the president. At this point in 2016, they
were more likely to say they didn’t know whom they’d vote for
than to side with candidate Trump, according to a LifeWay
Research survey.
This year’s survey found that more than two-thirds of
evangelical pastors plan to vote for Trump (68%). LifeWay found
that Pentecostal (70%) and Baptist pastors (67%) are more likely
to vote for Trump than pastors in the Restorationist movement
(49%), Lutherans (43%), Presbyterian/Reformed (24%), or
Methodists (22%).
The racial divide among evangelical voters holds for pastors
too. Only 6 percent of African American pastors say they support
Trump, while a majority (61%) will be voting for Biden.
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