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       #Post#: 34860--------------------------------------------------
       Book Of Giants
       By: patrick jane Date: September 8, 2021, 5:58 pm
       ---------------------------------------------------------
       [center]The Book of the Giants
       By W. B. HENNING[/center]
       
       ISAAC DE BEAUSOBRE, the Huguenot author of one of the best books
       ever written on Manichæism (Histoire critique de Manichée et du
       Manicheïsme, Amsterdam, 1734, 1739), was the one to make the
       only sound suggestions on the sources used by Mani for the
       compilation of his Book of the Giants: the Book of Enoch, and
       the Γραφὴ τω̑ν
       Γιγάντων which Kenan, a
       great-grandson of Noah, discovered lying in a field (vol. i,
       429, n. 6). The latter work has been identified by Alfaric (Les
       Écritures Manichéennes, ii, 32) with a book whose contents are
       briefly indicated in the Decretum Gelasianum, p. 54, ll. 298-9
       (ed. Dobschütz): Liber de Ogia1 nomine gigante qui post diluvium
       cum dracone ab hereticis pugnasse perhibetur apocryphus. Of the
       Book of Enoch, which was composed in the Hebrew language in the
       second century B.C., only an Ethiopic version, a few Greek
       fragments, and some excerpts made by the Byzantine chronographer
       Georgius Syncellus survive.2 Mani, who could hardly read the
       Hebrew, must have used an Aramaic edition based directly on the
       Hebrew text (see below, Šhmyz’d). He quotes mainly from the
       first part, which Georgius S. (p. 45, Fl.-R.) calls "the first
       book of Enoch on the Egrēgoroi", but shows himself
       acquainted also with the subsequent chapters.3
       It is noteworthy that Mani, who was brought up and spent most
       of his life in a province of the Persian empire, and whose
       mother belonged to a famous Parthian family,4 did not make any
       use of the Iranian mythological tradition. There can no longer
       be any doubt that the Iranian names of Sām,
       Narīmān, etc., that appear in the Persian and Sogdian
       versions of the Book of the Giants, did not figure in the
       original edition, written by Mani in the Syriac language.5 His
       disciples, who, it is well known, were in the habit of p. 53
       translating every word of a text (including the names of months,
       deities, etc.), seen fit also to "translate" the names of the
       giants. Thus Sām is merely the translation of Ohya.
       However, they kept some of the original names (e.g. Šhmyz’d),
       and adapted some others (e.g. Wrwgd’d).1
       The story of the fallen angels and their giant sons needed
       little adaptation to be fitted into Mani's system. Of course,
       the heavenly origin of the B’nē-hā-Elōhīm2
       of Genesis vi, 2, 4, the
       ’Εγρήγοροι, of the
       Book of Enoch, did not square with Mani's conviction that no
       evil could come from good. Therefore he transformed them into
       "demons", namely those demons that when the world was being
       constructed had been imprisoned in the skies under the
       supervision of the Rex Honoris. They rebelled and were
       recaptured, but two hundred of them escaped to the earth. Mani
       also used the term
       ’Εγρήγοροι
       (preserved in Coptic, see texts L, M, P, S), or rather ‘yr in
       Aramaic (once in a Middle Persian fragment, text D), but in
       Eastern sources they are mostly referred to as "demons" (Pers.
       dyw’n, Parth. dyw’n in T 6, Sogd. δywt in G, H 17, K 7,
       cytyt in E, δywt ZY ykšyšt in H. 16).
       The puzzling clause of Genesis vi, 4: "The Nephilim were on
       the earth those days," was interpreted by Mani in this fashion:
       "when the Egrēgoroi descended, the animals, or
       proto-animals, were already in existence." Mani confused
       nəfīlīm with nefäl (näfäl) =
       ἔκτρωμα: see Nöldeke, ZDMG.,
       43 (1889), 536, who rightly referred to the formula of
       abjuration (P.Gr., i, 1461) where the giants and the "abortions"
       are mentioned in one breath. In Manichæan parlance, "abortion"
       (cf. also MPers. ’bg’ng, Sogd. pš’q) is synonymous with
       "animal".
       We are therefore left with the Gibbōrīm, understood
       by Mani3 as "giants". He probably used the equivalent Syriac
       word, gabbārē (gnbr’), which his disciples translated
       as γίγαντες,
       al-ǰabābirah in Arabic, MPers. and Parthian k’w’n,
       Sogd. kwyšt = kawišt (Sing. qwy, kw’y = kawi); cf. Sb.P.A.W.,
       1934, 30. In Sasanian times the words derived from the Avestan
       Kavi were generally understood as "giant"; see Benveniste, MO.,
       xxvi, 214, and Polotsky in Mir.Man., iii, 901. Thus MPers.
       Parth. k’w is freely used in Manichæan texts, e.g. of the Father
       of Light (M 40), of solar deities, of leading Manichæans (both
       in Mir.Man., iii), also of the First Man and Ahriman4 with
       reference to the First Battle (which therefore could have been
       described as a
       γιγαντομαχ&#94
       3;α).5
       p. 54 However, the word k’w is applied only to men and such
       beings as are imagined anthropomorphous. Where one would
       translate γίγας as monster, the Iranian
       equivalent is mzn, Mazan. Thus the
       γίγας τη̑ς
       θαλάσσης (Kephalaia, 113
       and notes), whose breathing operations are responsible for ebb
       and flow (cf. also Beruni, India, 203, 10-11), is called Mzn ‘y
       (z)rhyg1 in Middle Persian (M 99, V 22-3). Accordingly, MPers.
       mzn (adj.2 and noun) and the related words, Pahl.
       mā̆zan, māzanīg, Sogd. mzny’n δyw, Av.
       māzainya-,3 should be rendered as "monster", or "gigantic,
       monstrous".
       The Egrēgoroi and their giant progeny are fought and
       vanquished by four archangels: Raphael, Michael, Gabriel, and
       Istrael (Enoch, 10, 1; or: Uriel, or: Fanuel). In the Book of
       the Giants they are called "the four angels". They are
       frequently invoked by name in Manichæan prayers (e.g. M 4 d 19,
       f 6; M 20), as Rwp’yl, Myx’yl, Gbr’yl, and Sr’yl ( = Istrael).
       There were no details about individual feats of the giants in
       the Book of Enoch. Mani filled the gap with the help of the
       above-mentioned Liber de Ogia nomine gigante. This Ogias has
       been identified with Og of Bashan,4 who according to late
       sources lived five thousand years and managed to survive the
       Deluge, thanks to his giant size.5 But possibly stories that
       primarily appertained to Ogias were transferred to the better
       known Og, owing to the resemblance of their names. The name of
       Ogias is ’why’ (’wḥy’) = Ohyā̆
       (Oḥyā̆) in the Manichæan fragments, and this
       spelling is presumably more correct than that of Ogias. Og (‘wg)
       indubitably would appear as ’wg (or: ‘wg). Since Mani took ’why’
       from an Aramaic text, the ending of Ogias cannot be regarded as
       a Greek addition.
       Ogias fought with a draco, and so did Ohya; his enemy was the
       Leviathan (text N). Ohya and his brother Ahya were the sons of
       Šhmyz’d (text H), i.e.
       Στμιαζα̑ς, the
       chief of the Egrēgoroi in the Book of Enoch; hence,
       Στμιαζα̑ς is
       transcription of šhm- (or šḥm ?). In the Persian edition
       of the Kawān Ohya and Ahya are "translated" as Sām and
       Narīmān, but the original names are kept in one
       passage (A 60). The translator did well to choose
       Sām-Krsāsp, both with regard to Ogias' longevity
       (Sām is one of the "Immortals") and to his fight with the
       dragon (Sām is a famous dragon-killer). In the Sogdian p.
       55 fragments the name of Sām is spelt S’hm = Sāhm, as
       it is often in Pahlavi (S’hm1 beside S’m); Ṭabari has
       Shm,2 cf. Christensen, Kayanides, p. 130. Sāhm's brother is
       Pāt-Sāhm. This name may have been invented by the
       Sogdian translator in order to keep the names of the brothers
       resembling each other. Narīmān was evidently not known
       in Sogdiana as a brother of Sām. According to the Book of
       the Giants, the main preoccupation of Sām-Sāhm was his
       quarrel the giant Māhawai,3 the son of Virōgdād,
       who was one of the twenty ers of the Egrēgoroi.
       The Book of the Giants was published in not less than six or
       seven languages. From the original Syriac the Greek and Middle
       Persian versions were made. The Sogdian edition was probably
       derived from the Middle Persian, the Uygur from the Sogdian.
       There is no trace of a Parthian text.4 The book may have existed
       in Coptic. The presence of names such as Sām and
       Narīmān in the Arabic version proves that it had been
       translated from the Middle Persian. To the few surviving
       fragments (texts A-G) I have added two excerpts, the more
       important of which (H) probably derives from a Syriac epitome of
       the book. Naturally, Manichæan authors quoted the book
       frequently, but there is only one direct citation by a
       non-Manichæan writer (text O). With the exception of text O, all
       the passages referring to the Book of the Giants (texts J-T) go
       back to Syriac writings (apparently). They are, therefore, to be
       treated as quotations from the Syriac edition. E.g. the Parthian
       text N is not the product of a Parthian writer who might have
       employed a Parthian version of the book, but was translated from
       a Syriac treatise whose author cited the Syriac text.
       In their journey across Central Asia the stories of the Book
       of the Giants were influenced by local traditions. Thus, the
       translation of Ohya as Sām had in its train the
       introduction of myths appertaining to that Iranian hero; this
       explains the "immortality" of Sā(h)m according to text I.
       The country of Aryān-Vēžan = Airyana Vaēǰah,
       in text G (26), is a similar innovation.5 The "Kögmän mountains"
       in text B may reflect the "Mount Hermon". The progeny of the
       fallen angels was confined in thirty-six towns (text S). Owing
       to the introduction of the Mount Sumeru, this number was changed
       p. 56 (in Sogdiana) to thirty-two (text G, 22): "the heaven of
       Indra . . . is situated between the four peaks (cf. G 21) of the
       Meru, and consists of thirty-two cities of devas" (Eitel, Handb.
       Chinese Buddhism, 148, on Trayastriṃśat).
       
       TEXTS
       (bcd)
       [bcd]
       . . .
       [. . .]
       [ ]
       (84)]
       [(85
       In the translation parentheses are employed for explanatory
       remarks.
       
       FRAGMENTS OF THE KAWĀN
       A. Middle-Persian
       M 101, a to n, and M 911, fifteen fragments of a book,
       throughout small pieces from the centre of the pages. It has
       proved impossible, so far, to re-establish the original order of
       the pages. On purely technical grounds (size of the fragments,
       appearance of the margins, relative position of tears, stains,
       etc.), I at first assumed the following sequence:
       l-j-k-g-i-c-e-b-h-f-a-d-m-M 911-n. Being unable to estimate the
       cogency of these technical reasons now, because of the absence
       of any photographic material, I have decided to change the order
       of the first six fragments in the following way: c-j-l-k-g-i, in
       view of their contents.2 Unfortunately we do not know in what
       order Mani had told the story of the giants. The task of finding
       the original order is made still more difficult by the fact that
       besides the Kawān the book contained one or two more
       treatises, namely: (1) Parables referring to the Hearers, and
       possibly (2) a discourse on the Five Elements (here (1) = lines
       160 to the end, and (2) = lines 112-159). The only fragments
       that undoubtedly belonged to the Kawān are c-j-l-k-g-i,
       while the position of the fragments e-b-h is particularly
       doubtful. It must be borne in mind that whole folios may be
       missing between apparently successive pages. In order to enable
       the reader to judge for himself, all the fragments (including
       the parables) are published here. The text is based on a copy I
       made nearly ten years ago (referred to in the notes as: Copy); a
       revision is not possible under the present circumstances.
       p. 60
       
       Translation
       (Frg. c) . . . hard . . . arrow . . . bow, he that . . .
       Sām said: "Blessed be . . . had [he ?] seen this, he would
       not have died." Then Shahmīzād said to Sām, his
       [son]: "All that Māhawai . . ., is spoilt (?)." Thereupon
       he said to . . . "We are . . . until (10) . . . and . . . (13) .
       . . that are in (?) the fiery hell (?) . . . As my father,
       Virōgdād, was . . ." Shahmīzād said: "It is
       true what he says. He says one of thousands.1 For one of
       thousands . . . .". Sām thereupon began . . . Māhawai,
       too, in many places . . . (20) until to that place he might
       escape (1) and . . .2
       (Frg. j) . . . Virōgdād . . .
       Hōbābīš 3 robbed Ahr . . . 4 of -naxtag,5 his
       wife. Thereupon the giants began to kill each other and [to
       abduct their wives]. The creatures, too, began to kill each
       other.6 Sām . . . before the sun, one hand in the air, the
       other (30) . . . whatever he obtained, to his brother . . . .
       imprisoned . . . (34) . . . over Taxtag.7 To the angels . . .
       from heaven. Taxtag to . . . Taxtag threw (or: was thrown) into
       the water. Finally (?) . . . in his sleep Taxtag saw three
       signs, [one portending . . .], one woe and flight, and one . . .
       annihilation. Narīmān saw a gar[den full of] (40)
       trees in rows. Two hundred . . . came out, the trees. . . .8
       p. 61
       (Frg. l) . . . Enoch,1 the apostle, . . . [gave] a message to
       [the demons and their] children: To you . . . not peace.2 [The
       judgment on you is] that you shall be bound for the sins you
       have committed.3 You shall see the destruction of your
       children.4 ruling for a hundred and twenty5 [years] . . . . (50)
       . . . wild ass, ibex . . . ram, goat (?),6 gazelle, . . . oryx,
       of each two hundred, a pair7 . . . the other wild beasts, birds,
       and animals and their wine [shall be] six thousand jugs . . .
       irritation(?)8 of water (?) . . . and their oil shall be 9 . . .
       (Frg. k) . . . father . . . nuptials (?) . . . until the
       completion of his . . . in fighting . . . (60) . . . and in the
       nest(?) Ohya and Ahya . . . he said to his brother: "get up and
       . . . we will take what our father has ordered us to. The pledge
       we have given . . . battle." And the giants . . . together . . .
       (67) "[Not the] . . . of the lion, but the . . . on his . . .
       [Not the] . . . of the rainbow, but the bow . . . firm. Not the
       sharpness of the blade, [but] (70) the strength of the ox (?).10
       Not the . . . eagle, but his wings.11 Not the . . . gold, but
       the brass that hammers12 it. Not the proud [ruler], but the
       diadem on his [head. Not] the splendid cypress, but the . . . of
       the mountain . . .
       (Frg. g) . . . Not he that engages in quarrels, but he that
       is true in his speech. Not the evil fruit(?), but the poison in
       it. (80) [Not they that] are placed (?) 13 in the skies but the
       God [of all] worlds. Not the servant is proud, p. 62 but [the
       lord] that is above him. Not one that is sent . . ., but the man
       that sent him".1 Thereupon Narīmān . . . said . . .
       (86) . . . And (in) another place I saw those that were weeping
       for the ruin that had befallen them, and whose cries and laments
       rose up to heaven. (90) And also I saw another place [where
       there were] tyrants and rulers . . . in great number, who had
       lived 2 in sin and evil deeds, when 3 . . .
       (Frg. i) 4 . . . many . . . were killed, four hundred
       thousand Righteous 5 . . . with fire, naphtha, and brimstone 6 .
       . . And the angels veiled 7 (or: covered, or: protected, or:
       moved out of sight) Enoch. Electae et auditrices (100) . . . and
       ravished them. They chose beautiful [women], and demanded . . .
       them in marriage.8 Sordid . . . (103) . . . all . . . carried
       off . . . severally they were subjected to tasks and services.
       And they . . . from each city . . . and were, ordered to serve
       the . . . The Mesenians [were directed] to prepare, the
       Khūzians 9 to sweep [and] (110) water, the Persians to . .
       .
       [On the Five Elements]
       (Frg. e) (112) . . . slaying . . . righteous . . . good deeds
       . . . . elements. The crown, the diadem, [the garland, and] the
       garment (of Light). The seven demons. Like a blacksmith [who]
       binds (or: shuts, fastens) and looses (or: opens, detaches) . .
       . . who from the seeds of . . . . and serves the king . . . .
       (120) . . . offends . . . when weeping . . . with mercy . . .
       hand . . . (125) p. 63 . . . the Pious gave . . . ? . . .
       presents. Some buried the idols. The Jews did good and evil.
       Some make their god half demon, half god . . . (130) killing . .
       . the seven demons . . . eye . . .
       (Frg. b) . . . various colours that by . . . and bile. If. .
       . . from the five elements. As if (it were) a means not to die,
       they fill themselves with food and drink. Their (140) garment is
       . . . this corpse . . . and not firm . . . Its ground is not
       firm . . . Like . . . (146) . . . imprisoned [in this corpse],
       in bones, nerves,1 [flesh], veins, and skin, and entered herself
       [ = Āz] into it. Then he ( = Man) cries out, over 2 (?) sun
       and moon, the Just God's (150) two flames 3 . . . ? . . .,4 over
       the elements, the trees and the animals. But God [Zrwān ?],
       in each epoch,5 sends apostles: Šīt[īl, Zarathushtra,]
       Buddha, Christ, . . .
       (Frg. h) . . . evil-intentioned . . . from where . . . he
       came. The Misguided recognize the five elements, [the five kinds
       of] trees, the five (kinds of) animals.
       
       (160) . . . On the Hearers
       . . . we receive . . . from Mani, the Lord, . . . the Five
       Commandments to . . . the Three Seals . . . (164) . . . living .
       . . profession . . . and wisdom . . . moon. Rest from the power
       (or: deceit) . . . own. And keep measured the mixture (?) . . .
       trees and wells, in two . . . (170) water, and fruit, milk, . .
       . he should not offend his brother. The wise [Hearer] who like
       unto juniper [leaves 6 . . .
       (Frg. f) . . . much profit. Like a farmer . . . who sows seed
       . . in many 7 . . . The Hearer who . . . knowledge, is like unto
       a man that threw (the dish called) 8 frōšag (180) [into]
       milk(?). It became hard, not . . . The part that ruin . . . at
       first heavy. Like . . . first . . . is honoured . . . might
       shine . . . (188) six days. The Hearer who gives alms (to the
       Elect), is like unto a poor (190) man that presents his daughter
       to the king; he reaches (a position of) great p. 64 honour.1 In
       the body of the Elect the (food given to to him as) alms is
       purified in the same manner as a . . . that by fire and wind . .
       . beautiful clothes on a clean body . . . turn . . .
       (Frg. a) . . . witness . . . fruit . . . (200) . . . tree . .
       . like firewood . . . like a grain (?) . . . radiance. The
       Hearer in [the world ?], (and) the alms within the Church, are
       like unto a ship [on the sea] 2: the towing-line 3 (is) in the
       hand of [the tower] on shore, the sailor (210) is [on board the
       ship]. The sea is the world, the ship is [the . . ., the . . .
       is the ?al]ms, the tower is [the . . . ?], the towing-line (?)
       is the Wisdom. . . . . . . (214) . . . The Hearer .
       . . is like unto the branch (?) of a fruitless [tree] . . .
       fruitless . . . and the Hearers . . . fruit that . . . (220)
       pious deeds. [The Elect,] the Hearer, and Vahman, are like unto
       three brothers to whom some [possessions] were left by their
       father: a piece of land, . . ., seed. They became partners . . .
       they reap and . . . The Hearer . . . like . . .
       (Frg. d) . . . an image (?) of the king, cast of gold . . .
       (230) . . . the king gave presents. The Hearer that copies a
       book, is like unto a sick man that gave his . . . 4 to a . . .
       man. The Hearer that gives [his] daughter to the church,5 is
       like . . . pledge, who ( = father ?) gave his son to . . . learn
       . . . to . . . father, pledge . . . (240) . . . Hearer. Again,
       the Hearer . . . is like . . . . stumble . . . is purified. To .
       . . the soul from the Church, is like unto the wife of the
       soldier (or: Roman) who . . . infantrist, one shoe . . . who,
       however, with a denarius . . . was. The wind tore out one . . .
       he was abashed 6 . . . from the ground . . . ground . . .
       (Frg. m) . . . (250) . . . sent . . . The Hearer that makes
       one . . ., is like unto [a compassionate mother] who had seven
       sons . . . the enemy [killed] all . . . The Hearer that . . .
       piety . . . (258) . . . a well. One [on the shore of] p. 65 the
       sea, one in the boat. (260) [He that is on] shore, tows(?) him
       that is [in the boat].1 He that is in the boat. . . . sea.
       Upwards to . . . like . . ? . . like a pearl . . . diadem . . .
       (Frg. M 911) . . . Church. Like unto a man that . . . fruit
       and flowers . . . then they praise . . . fruitful tree . . .
       (270) . . . [Like unto a man] that bought a piece of land. [On
       that] piece of land [there was] a well, [and in that well a bag]
       full of drachmas . . . the king was filled with wonder . . .
       share . . . pledge . . .
       (Frg. n) . . . numerous . . . Hearer. At . . . like unto a
       garment . . . (280) like . . . to the master . . . like . . .
       and a blacksmith. The goldsmith . . . to honour, the blacksmith
       to . . . one to . . .
       
       B. Uygur
       LeCoq, Türk. Man., iii, 23. Bang, Muséon, xliv, 13-17. Order
       of pages according to LeCoq (the phot. publ. by Bang seems to
       support LeCoq's opinion).
       (First page) . . . fire was going to come out. And [I saw]
       that the sun was at the point of rising, and that [his ?] centre
       (orḍu) without increasing (? ašïlmatïn ?) above was going
       to start rolling. Then came a voice from the air above. Calling
       me, it spoke thus: "Oh son of Virōgdād, your affairs
       are lamentable (?). More than this you shall [not] see. Do not
       die now prematurely, but turn quickly back from here." And
       again, besides this (voice), I heard the voice of Enoch, the
       apostle, from the south, without, however, seeing him at all.
       Speaking my name very lovingly, he called. And downwards from .
       . . then
       (Second page) . . . " . . for the closed 2 door of the sun
       will open, the sun's light and heat will descend and set your
       wings alight. You will burn and die," said he. Having heard
       these words, I beat my wings and quickly flew down from the air.
       I looked back: Dawn had . . . ., with the light of the sun it
       had come to rise over the Kögmän mountains. And again a voice
       came from above. Bringing the command of Enoch, the apostle, it
       said: "I call you, Virōgdād, . . . I know . . . his
       direction . . . you . . . you . . . Now quickly . . . people . .
       . also . . .
       
       C. Sogdian
       M 648. Small scrap from the centre of a page. Order of pages
       uncertain.
       p. 66
       (First page) . . . I shall see. Thereupon now S[āhm, the
       giant] was [very] angry, and laid hands on M[āhawai, the
       giant], with the intention: I shall . . . and kill [you]. Then .
       . . the other g[iants . . .
       (Second page) . . . do not be afraid, for . . . [Sā]hm,
       the giant, will want to [kill] you, but I shall not let him . .
       . I myself shall damage . . . Thereupon Māhawai, the
       g[iant], . . . was satisfied . . .
       
       D. Middle-Persian
       Published Sb.P.A.W., 1934, p. 29.
       . . . outside . . . and . . . left . . . . read the dream we
       have seen. Thereupon Enoch thus . . . . and the trees that came
       out, those are the Egrēgoroi (‘yr), and the giants that
       came out of the women. And . . . . . over . . . pulled out . . .
       over . . .
       
       E. Sogdian
       T iii 282. Order of pages uncertain.
       (First page) . . . [when] they saw the apostle, . . . before
       the apostle . . . those demons that were [timid], were very,
       very glad at seeing the apostle. All of them assembled before
       him. Also, of those that were tyrants and criminals, they were
       [worried] and much afraid.1 Then . . .
       (Second page) . . . not to . . . Thereupon those powerful
       demons spoke thus to the pious apostle 2: If . . . . by us any
       (further) sin [will] not [be committed ?], my lord, why ? . . .
       . you have . . . and weighty injunction 3 . . .
       
       F. Middle-Persian
       T ii D ii 164. Six fragmentary columns, from the middle of a
       page. Order of columns uncertain. Instead of A///B///CDEF, it
       might have been: BCDEFA, or even CDEF///A///B.4
       p. 67
       (Col. A) . . . poverty . . . [those who] harassed 1 the
       happiness of the Righteous, on that account they shall fall into
       eternal ruin and distress, into that Fire, the mother of all
       conflagrations and the foundation of all ruined tyrants. And
       when these sinful misbegotten sons 2 of ruin in those crevices
       and . . . .
       (Col. B) . . . you have not been better. In error you thought
       you would this false power eternally.3 You . . . all this
       iniquity . . .
       (Col. C) . . . you that call to us with the voice of
       falsehood. Neither did we reveal ourselves on your account, so
       that you could see us, nor thus . . . . ourselves through the
       praise and greatness that to us . . . -given to you . . ., but .
       . .
       p. 68
       (Col. D) . . . sinners . . . . . is visible, where out of
       this fire your soul will be prepared (for the transfer) to
       eternal ruin (?). And as for you, sinful misbegotten sons of the
       Wrathful Self,1 confounders of the true words of that Holy One,
       disturbers of the actions of Good Deed, aggressors upon Piety, .
       . . -ers of the Living. . . ., who their . . .
       (Col. E) . . . and on brilliant wings they shall fly and soar
       further outside and above that Fire, and shall gaze into its
       depth and height. And those Righteous that will stand around it,
       outside and above, they themselves shall have power over that
       Great Fire, and over everything in it. . . . . . blaze . .
       . . souls that . . .
       (Col. F) . . . they are purer and stronger [than the] Great
       Fire of Ruin that sets the worlds ablaze. They shall stand
       around it, outside and above, and splendour shall shine over
       them. Further outside and above it they shall fly 2 (?) after
       those souls that may try to escape from the Fire. And that . . .
       .
       
       G. Sogdian
       T ii. Two folios (one only publ. here; the other contains a
       wyδβ’γ cn pš’qṯ δywtyy "Discourse on
       the Nephīlīm-demons"). Head-lines: R: pš’n prβ’r
       3 ". . . pronouncement", V: iv fryštyt δn CC "The four
       angels with the two hundred [demons . . . ".
       p. 69
       . . . they took and imprisoned all the helpers that were in
       the heavens. And the angels themselves descended from the heaven
       to the earth. And (when) the two hundred demons saw those
       angels, they were much afraid and worried. They assumed the
       shape of men 3 and hid themselves. Thereupon the angels forcibly
       removed the men 4 from the demons, (10) laid them aside, and put
       watchers over them . . . . the giants . . . . were sons . . .
       with each other in bodily union . . . . with each other self- .
       . . . and the . . . . that had been born to them, they forcibly
       removed them 5 from the demons. And they led one half of them
       (20) eastwards, and the other half westwards, on the skirts of
       four huge mountains, towards the foot of the Sumeru mountain,
       into thirty-two towns which the Living Spirit had prepared for
       them in the beginning.6 And one calls (that place)
       Aryān-waižan. And those men are (or: were) . . . . in the
       first arts and crafts.7 (30) . . . . they made . . . the angels
       . . . and to the demons . . . they went to fight. And those two
       hundred demons fought a hard battle with the [four angels],
       until [the angels used] fire, naphtha, and brimstone 8 . . . .
       
       EXCERPTS
       H. Sogdian
       T ii S 20. Sogdian script.9 Two folios. Contents similar to
       the "Kephalaia". Only about a quarter (I R i-17) publ. here. The
       following chapter has as headline: ’’γšt š’nš’y cnn
       ’β[c’n]pδ[yh w]prs = Here begins: Šanšai's 10 question
       the world. Init. rty tym ZK š’nš’[y] [cnn] m’rm’ny rwγšny
       pr’yš[t’kw w’nkw ’]prs’ ’yn’k ’βc’npδ ZY kw ZKh
       mrtγmyt (’skw’nt) oo ckn’c pyδ’r ’’zy mrch
       ’zγyr’nt = And again Šanšai asked the Light Apostle: this
       world where mankind lives, why does one call it birth-death
       (saṃsāra, Chin. shêng-szŭ).
       p. 70
       . . . and what they had seen in the heavens among the gods,
       and also what they had seen in hell, their native land, and
       furthermore what they had seen on earth,—all that they began to
       teach (hendiadys) to the men.3 To Šahmīzād two(?) sons
       were borne by . . . . One of them he named "Ohya"; in Sogdian he
       is called "Sāhm, the giant". And again a second son [was
       born] to him. He named him "Ahya"; its Sogdian (equivalent) is
       "Pāt-Sāhm". As for the remaining giants, they were
       born to the other demons and Yakṣas. (Colophon) Completed:
       (the chapter on) "The Coming of the two hundred Demons".
       I. Sogdian
       M 500 n. Small fragment.
       . . . . manliness, in powerful tyranny, he (or: you ?) shall
       not die". The giant Sāhm and his brother will live
       eternally. For in the whole world in power and strength, and in
       . . . . [they have no equal].
       
       QUOTATIONS AND ALLUSIONS
       J. Middle-Persian
       T ii D ii 120, V ii 1-5: and in the coming of the two hundred
       demons there are two paths: the hurting speech, and the hard
       labour; these (belong, or: lead) to hell.
       K. Sogdian
       M 363.
       p. 71
       (First page) . . . before . . . they were. And all the . . .
       2 fulfilled their tasks lawfully. Now, they became excited and
       irritated for the following reason: namely, the two hundred
       demons came down to the sphere from the high heaven, and the . .
       . .
       (Second page) . . . in the world they became excited and
       irritated. For their life-lines and the connections of their
       Pneumatic Veins 3 are joined to sphere. (Colophon) Completed:
       the exposition of the three worlds. (Head-line) Here begins: the
       coming of Jesus and [his bringing] the religion to Adam and
       Šitil. . . . you should care and . . .
       L. Coptic
       Kephalaia, 17116-19: Earthquake and malice happened in the
       watchpost of the Great King of Honour, namely the Egrēgoroi
       who arose at the time when they were . . . . and there descended
       those who were sent to confound them.
       M. Coptic
       Kephalaia, 9224-31: Now attend and behold how the Great King
       of Honour who is ἔννοια, is in
       the third heaven. He is . . . with the wrath . . . and a
       rebellion . . ., when malice and wrath arose in his camp, namely
       the Egrēgoroi of Heaven who in his watch-district (rebelled
       and) descended to the earth. They did all deeds of malice. They
       revealed the arts in the world, and the mysteries of heaven to
       the men. Rebellion and ruin came about on the earth . . .
       N. Parthian
       M 35, lines 21-36. Fragment of a treatise entitled ’rdhng
       wyfr’s = Commentary on (Mani's opus) Ārdahang.4
       p. 72
       And the story about the Great Fire: like unto (the way in
       which) the Fire, with powerful wrath, swallows this world and
       enjoys it; like unto (the way in which) this fire that is in the
       body, swallows the exterior fire that is (lit. comes) in fruit
       and food, and enjoys it. Again, like unto (the story in which)
       two brothers who found a treasure, and a pursuer lacerated each
       other, and they died; like unto (the fight in which) Ohya,
       Lewyātīn ( = Leviathan), and Raphael lacerated each
       other, and they vanished; like unto (the story in which) a lion
       cub, a calf in a wood (or: on a meadow), and a fox lacerated
       each other, [and they vanished, or: died]. Thus [the Great Fire
       swallows, etc.] both of the fires. . . .1
       M 740. Another copy of this text.
       O. Arabic, from Middle-Persian ? 2
       Al-Ghaḍanfar (Abū Isḥāq Ibr. b.
       Muḥ. al-Tibrīzī, middle of thirteenth century),
       in Sachau's edition of Beruni's Āthār al-bāqiyah,
       Intr., p. xiv: The Book of the Giants, by Mani of Babylon, is
       filled with stories about these (antediluvian) giants, amongst
       whom Sām and Narīmān.
       P. Coptic
       Keph. 9323-28: On account of the malice and rebellion that
       had arisen in the watch-post of the Great King of Honour, namely
       the Egrēgoroi who from the heavens had descended to the
       earth,—on their account the four angels received their orders:
       they bound the Egrēgoroi with eternal fetters in the prison
       of the Dark(?), their sons were destroyed upon the earth.
       Q. Coptic
       Manich. Psalm-book, ed. Allberry, 1427-9: The Righteous who
       were burnt in the fire, they endured. This multitude that were
       wiped out, four thousand . . . . Enoch also, the Sage, the
       transgressors being . . .
       R. Coptic
       Man. Homil., ed. Polotsky, 6818-19: . . . evil. 400,000
       Righteous . . . . the years of Enoch . . .
       S. Coptic
       Keph., 1171-9: Before the Egrēgoroi rebelled and
       descended from heaven, a prison had been built for them in the
       depth of the earth beneath the mountains. p. 73 Before the sons
       of the giants were born who knew not Righteousness and Piety
       among themselves, thirty-six towns had been prepared and
       erected, so that the sons of the giants should live in them,
       they that come to beget . . . . who live a thousand years.
       T. Parthian
       291a. Order of pages unknown.
       (First page) . . . mirror . . . image. . . . distributed. The
       men . . . and Enoch was veiled ( = moved out of sight).1 They
       took . . . Afterwards, with donkey-goads . . . . slaves,2 and
       waterless trees (?). Then . . . and imprisoned the demons. And
       of them . . . . seven and twelve.
       (Second page) . . . three thousand two hundred and eighty-3 .
       . . the beginning of King Vištāsp.4 . . . . in the palace
       he flamed forth (or: in the brilliant palace). And at night . .
       ., then to the broken gate . . . men . . . physicians,
       merchants, farmers, . . . at sea. ? . . . armoured he came
       out . . .
       
       APPENDIX
       U. Parthian
       T ii D 58. From the end ( . . . r š t) of a hymn.
       . . . gifts. A peaceful sovereign [was] King Vištāsp,
       [in Aryā]n-Waižan 5; p. 74 Wahman and Zarēl . . . .
       The sovereign's queen, Khudōs,1 received the Faith,2 the
       prince . . . They have secured (a place in) the (heavenly) hall,
       and quietude for ever and ever . . .
       V. Sogdian
       M 692. Small fragment. Order of pages uncertain.
       (First page) . . . because . . . the House of the Gods,
       eternal joy, and good . . ? . .4 For so it is said: at that time
       . . . Yima was . . . in the world. And at the time of the new
       moon (?) . . . . the blessed denizens of the world 5 . . . all
       assembled 6 . . . all . . .
       (Second page) . . . they offered five garlands in homage.7
       And Yima accepted those garlands . . . And those . . . that . .
       . . and great kingship . . . was his. And on . . . them . . . .
       And acclamations 8 . . . And from that pious (?) . . . he placed
       the garlands on his head . . . the denizens of the world . . .
       Footnotes
       p. 52
       1 Numerous variants (p. 126, Dobschütz), e.g. de ogiae, de
       oggie, diogiae, diogine, diogenes, de ozia, de ugia, de ugica,
       de ogiga, de eugia, de uegia, de eugenia, etc. In Migne's
       Patrologia Latina the text is in vol. 59, 162-3.
       2 See Charles, The Book of Enoch, 2nd ed., 1912. For the Greek
       fragments (and Georgius S.) the edition by Flemming and
       Radermacher ( = Fl.-R.) is quoted here. For Mani's use of the
       Enoch literature see my papers in Sb.P.A.W., 1934, 27-32, and in
       ZDMG., 90, 2-4.
       3 See below A 86-94, and compare G 19-21 with Enoch 67, 4, and G
       38 with Enoch 17, 1; 21, 7; 54, 6; 67, 4-13. On chaps. 72 sqq.
       see Sb.P.A.W., 1934, 32.
       4 Namely the Kamsarakan-k‘ (mentioned often in the Armenian
       history of the fourth century) who claimed descent from the
       royal house of the Arsacids. This is clear from the
       Chinese-Manichæan text that preceded the Fragment Pelliot, now
       printed in the Taishô Tripiṭaka as No. 2141a, vol. 54, p.
       1280A, but hitherto untranslated: "He was born in the country of
       Sulin ( = Babylonia), in the royal abode of B‘uât-tiei ( =
       Patī-g), by his wife Muân-i̯äm ( = Maryam) of the
       family of Ki̯əm-sât-g‘i̯ɒn ( =
       Kamsar(a)gān)." The name
       Κάρασσα in the Byzantine
       formula of abjuration (Migne, Patr. Gr., i, 1468) may be
       corrupted from Kamsar-. Thus there is a grain of truth in the
       assertion in the K. al-Fihrist, 327, 31, that Mani's mother had
       belonged to the Arsacid house; ibid., Maryam (ed, marmaryam) is
       given as one of her names.—It is not proposed to discuss the
       origin of Mani's father here.
       5 I have abandoned my earlier opinion on this point (ZDMG., 90,
       4) which was based on insufficient material. The important
       Sogdian fragment, text H, was not then known to me.
       p. 53
       1 See BSOS., viii, 583; ZDMG., 90, 4. [Cf. also Bal. girōk,
       Geiger, No.107.]
       2 Cf. also Parthian bgpwhr’n, Sogd. βγpšyt, lit. "sons
       of God" = angels (also fem. Sogd. βγpwryšt). Thus
       bgpwhr has a double meaning in Parthian, it being (Sogd.
       βγpwr) also the translation of Chin. T‘ien-tzŭ,
       or rather of Skt. devaputra.
       3 Herein he differed from the common interpretation of the
       passage (Nephilim = giants), shared also by the authors of the
       Book of Enoch.
       4 M 41: ’br q’rc’r ’wṯ zmbg ‘stft cy ’whrmyzdbg qyrd ’d
       dyw’n: dw q’w’n ’wṯ dw nyw’n.
       5 This word, in the anti-Manichæan book by Alexander
       Lycopolitanus, p. 8, 10, ed. Brinkmann, refers neither to the
       Manich. "First Battle", nor to Mani's Book of the Giants, as
       Cumont, Rech., i, 3; ii, 160 sq., erroneously states. Cumont
       goes so far as to say that in the quoted passage Alexander had
       given a summary of Mani's work, and Benveniste, MO., xxvi, 213,
       has repeated this statement. In fact, Alexander says that
       experts in Greek mythology might quote, from p. 54 the Greek
       poets, the Greek
       γιγαντομαχ&#94
       3;α,
       as a parallel to the Manich. doctrine of the rising by the Hyle
       against God. In ch. 25 (p. 37, 13 sqq.) Alexander explains that
       such poetical fables about giants could not be regarded as a
       satisfactory parallel, because they were myths and meant to be
       understood as allegories. He then (37, 17) quotes the story of
       Genesis vi, 2-4, which he provides with an allegorical
       explanation. But he ascribes it to the History of the Jews
       without even mentioning the Book of the Giants. This shows
       conclusively that he had no knowledge of Mani's book.
       p. 54
       1 Jackson, Researches, 37, 67 sq., has "poisonous mass"; cf.
       OLZ., 1934, 752.
       2 Hence the comparative mzndr (e.g. Mir.Man., i) and the
       superlative Pahl. mā̆zan-tum (e.g. Dd., p. 118, 12 ed.
       Anklesaria).
       3 Clearly to be derived from Av. mazan- "greatness". Cf. also
       Jackson, loc. cit., on mzn. Hence, the first part of the name of
       Māzandarān probably = "gigantic".
       4 Thus Dobschütz, Decret. Gelas., p. 305.
       5 Dobschütz, loc. cit., who quotes Fabricius, Cod. pseudepigr.,
       799 sq., and Migne, Dict. des apocr., ii, 649, 1295.
       p. 55
       1 For example, Men.Khr., 68, 12; 69, 12, ed. Andreas; Pahl.
       Yasna, 9, 10 (p. 71, 19).
       2 Shm, of course, transcribes S’hm, not S’m.
       3 MPers. m’hw’y A 7, with suff. m’hwy-c A 19, Sogd. m’h’wy C 15
       ( = Wrogdad oγlϊ in B). Hardly = Māhōi (as
       suggested ZDMG., 90, 4), for the ending -ōi was pronounced
       -ōi also in the third century (cf. e.g. wyrwd =
       Wērōi in the inscription of Shapur, line 34).
       Furthermore, there was no Māhōi among the heroes of
       the Iranian epos (M. is well known as the name of the governor
       of Marv at the time of the last Yezdegerd). More likely
       Māhawai was a non-Iranian name and figured already in the
       Aramaic edition of the Kawān; it may have been adapted to
       Persian. Cf. Mḥwy’l, Genesis, iv, 18 ?
       4 But see Mir.Man., iii, 858 (b 134 sqq.).
       5 The children of the Egrēgoroi share with the inhabitants
       of Airyana Vaēǰah the distinction of being regarded as
       the inventors (or first users) of the arts and crafts. For the
       spelling of Aryān-Vēžan see also Appendix, text U. It
       is not clear whether Yima (text V) had been given a place in the
       Sogdian Kawān. Ymyẖ, i.e. Imi, is the correct Sogdian
       form of the name.
       p. 56
       1 This system of notation has been used also in my book Sogdica,
       and in my paper in BSOS., X, pp. 941 sqq. The various
       interpunction marks are uniformly represented by oo here.
       2 But possibly Frg. i should occupy the first place; see below,
       notes on lines 95-111.
       p. 60
       1 = far less than he could say. Cf. əž hazār yak,
       ŠGV., xiv, 2, əž hazāra̢ baewara̢ yak,
       ibid., xvi, 1. Salemann, Zap. Imp. Ak. Nauk, sér. viii, t. vi,
       No. 6, 25, quoted Persian az hazār yakī va az
       bisyār andakī.
       2 The texts B and C (Uygur and Sogdian) could be inserted here
       (or hereabouts).
       3 Probably one of the twenty "decarchs" (Enoch 6, 7), viz. No. 4
       Kokabiel = Χωχαριήλ in
       the Greek fragments, and
       Χωβαβιήλ apud Syncellus.
       4 This also could be a "decarch", Arakib-
       ’Αρακιήλ, or Aramiel-
       ‘Ραμιήλ.
       5 Incomplete name.
       6 Cf. Enoch 7, 5.
       7 txtg might be appellative, = "a board". This would fit in
       three of the passages, but hardly in the fourth.
       8 Evidently this is the dream that Enoch reads in the fragment M
       625c ( = Text D, below), which therefore probably belonged to
       the Kawān. It should be inserted here.
       p. 61
       1 Here (or hereabouts) the texts E and F should be entered, both
       of which deal with the judgment on the fallen angels. Text F
       approximates to Enoch, ch. 10 (pronouncement of the judgment by
       God), while Text E is nearer to Enoch, ch. 13 (communication of
       the judgment the angels by Enoch).
       2 = Enoch, 12, 4-5: εἰπὲ
       τοι̑ς
       ἐγρηγόροις .
       . . . οὐκ ἔσται
       ὑμι̑ν
       εἰρήνη.
       3 = Enoch, 13, 1-2: ὁ δὲ
       ’Ενώχ . . .
       ει̑πεν . . . οὐκ
       ἔσται σοι
       εἰρήνη
       κρι̑μα μέγα
       ἐξη̑λθεν
       κατὰ σου̑
       δη̑σαί σε . . .
       περί . . . τη̑ς
       ἀδικίας καὶ
       τη̑ς
       ἀμαρτίας
       κτλ.
       4 = Enoch, 14, 6: ἴδητε
       τὴν
       ἀπώλειαν
       τω̑ν υἱω̑ν
       ὑμω̑ν.
       5 = Syncellus, pp. 44-5 Fl.-R. (ad cap. xvi), cf. Genesis, vi,
       3.
       ἀπολου̑ντα&#9
       53;
       οἱ ἀγαπητοὶ
       ὑμω̑ν . . . . ὅτι
       πα̑σαι αἱ
       ἡμέραι τη̑ς
       ζωη̑ς
       αὐτω̑ν ἀπὸ
       του̑ νυ̑ν οὐ
       μὴ ἔσονται
       πλείω τω̑ν
       ἑκατὸν
       εἴκοσιν
       ἐτω̑ν.
       6 In Jewish Persian trwš is "ram" (Lagarde, Pers. Stud., 73),
       but in the dialect of Rīšahr nr. Bushire (according to the
       notes made on this dialect by Andreas about seventy years ago)
       tîštär is "a young she-goat". See JRAS., 1942, 248. [trwš, Is.
       111, Ier. 5140 = Hebr. ‘attūd, probably understood as
       "he-goat".]
       7 These lines evidently refer to the promise of peace and plenty
       that concludes the divine judgment in Enoch, 10. Hence = "each
       pair of those animals shall have two hundred young"?
       8 sārišn: cf. DkM. 487apu.-488, 3, "when they provoke
       (sārēn-) him he does not get irritated (sār- and
       better, sārih-)." GrBd. 5, 8, "if you do not provoke, or
       instigate (sārēn-) a fight" (differently Nyberg, ii,
       202). sār-, if from sarəd- (Skt. śardh-), is
       presumably the transitive to syrydn (from srdhya- according to
       Bartholomæ), cf. NGGW., 1932, 215, n. 3.
       9 Cf. Enoch, 10, 19: ἡ
       ἄμπελος [sic] ἣν
       ἂν
       φυτεύσωσιν
       ποιήσουσιν
       πρόχους
       οἴνου
       χιλιάδας . . . .
       ἐλαίας . . . .
       10 ty or ty[y] = tai from taih from taiγ (cf. GGA., 1935,
       18), is ambiguous: (1) sharp instrument, (2) burning, glow,
       brightness, sunrays, etc. So also is tyzyy: (1) sharpness, (2)
       speed. One could also restore ty[gr].
       11 Lit. "but the Wing(s) that (is, are) with him." The curious
       expression was chosen probably on account of the rhythm. For the
       same reason byc is employed in the place of ’n’y in line 73.
       12 Lit. "beats".
       13 ‘ystyh- is obviously different from ‘styh- (on which see
       BSOS., IX, 81), and possibly derived from ‘yst-, cf. z’yh- "to
       be born" from z’y- "to be born". ‘ystyh- is met with in W.-L.,
       ii, 558, p. 62 Ri 25, "blessed chief who stands (‘ystyhyd ?) as
       the sign of the Light Gods." Lentz has ‘ystyhnd, but without
       having seen the manuscript one may presume a misreading (cf.
       ibid., R i l, Lentz: pd[ . . ]dg, but probably pr[’d]ng, R i 2,
       Lentz: p.d’r, but probably pyr’r, ibid., R ii 22, Lentz: ’n.z,
       but probably ’’wn; for further cases see OLZ., 1934, 10).
       p. 62
       1 St. John, 13, 18.
       2 phrystn: phryz- = Parth. prx’štn: prxyz- (cf. Av.
       pārihaēza-, Sogd. pr-γyž; Parth. ’x’št: MPers.
       ’xyst) is mostly "to stand around, to be about, versari",
       sometimes "to stand around for the purpose of looking after
       someone" = "serve, nurse, protect", often merely "to be". phryz-
       "to stand off, to abstain" is presumably different
       (para-haēza-).
       3 The series of visions in which Enoch sees the arrangements for
       the punishment of the fallen angels, etc., and of "the kings and
       the Mighty" (chaps. xvii sqq.), follows immediately upon the
       announcement of the divine judgment. Hence, frgg. k-g must be
       placed after frg. l. Text G (below), which describes, the
       execution of the divine order, could perhaps be inserted here.
       4 It is difficult to decide whether this fragment should be
       placed at the end or at the beginning of the book. The 400,000
       Righteous may have perished when the Egrēgoroi descended to
       the earth. The "choosing of beautiful women", etc., strongly
       suggests the misbehaviour of the Egrēgoroi on their arrival
       upon the earth. The hard labour imposed on the Mesenians and
       other nations may be due to the insatiable needs of their giant
       progeny (Enoch, 7, 2 sqq.). On the other hand, "fire, naphtha,
       and brimstone" are only mentioned as the weapons with which the
       archangels overcame the Egrēgoroi, after a prolonged and
       heavy fight (Text G, 38), and the 400,000 Righteous may well
       have been the innocent non-combatant victims of this battle
       which may have had a demoralizing effect even upon the electae.
       To clear up the debris the archangels would naturally commandeer
       the men. We do not know whether Mani believed Enoch to have been
       moved out of sight (ἐλήμφθη
       Enoch, 12, 1) before the Egrēgoroi appeared, or before they
       were punished.
       5 See texts R, and Q (where 4,000 instead of 400,000).
       6 See BSOS., X, 398.
       7 See text T, line 3.
       8 Cf. Enoch, 7, 1 ?
       9 On myšn’yg’n see BSOS., X, 945, n. 2, on hwjyg, ibid., 944, n.
       7.
       p. 63
       1 py(y) always = nerves, sinews (not "fat" as in Mir.Man., i,
       etc., as alternative rendering). It is equivalent to nerfs
       (Chavannes-Pelliot, Traité Man., 32/3 [528/9]), Uygur singir
       (T.M., iii, 18/9), Copt. = Sehne (Keph., 96, etc.), Sogd.
       pδδw’ (unpubl.). Cf. also GrBd., 196, 4, where Goetze,
       ZII., ii, 70, wrongly has "fat". MPers. pai = NPers. pai =
       Pashto pala = Sogd. pδδw’ (not Av. piθwā-).
       2 Hardly "to". Cf. Cumont, Rech., i, 49, and my paper NGGW.,
       1932, 224.
       3 Or: over the Just God, sun and moon, the (or: his) two flames.
       The "Just God" is the Messenger (not = bgr’štygr, i.e.
       Zrwān).
       4 Unintelligible. Lit. ". . . two flames given into the (or:
       his) hand".
       5 Cf. Sb.P.A.W., 1934, 27, and BSOS., VIII, 585.
       6 Cf. M 171, 32 sqq. ’wṯ ’st ngwš’g ky ’w ’b[w](r)m’nh’g
       ky hmyw zrgwng ‘štyd ’wš zmg ’wd t’b’n png ny ryzynd. ’w’gwn
       hwyc hwrw’n ngwš’g pd pzd ’wd wšyd’x pd xw’r ’wṯ dyjw’r,
       kd dwr ’c wjydg’n ’wṯ kd nzd ’w wjydg’n, hw pd wxybyy
       frhyft ’wd w’wryft ‘škbyd, etc. "And some Hearers are like unto
       the juniper which is ever green, and whose leaves are shed
       neither in summer nor in winter. So also the pious Hearer, in
       times of persecution and of free exercise (lit.
       open-mindedness), in good and bad days, under the eyes of the
       Elect or out of their sight,—he is constant in his charity and
       faith." Although the word ’brws is incomplete in both passages,
       its restoration is practically a certainty.
       7 Possibly the parable of St. Mark, iv, 3 sqq.
       8 BSOS., IX, 86.
       p. 64
       1 An elaborate version of this parable is found in M 221 R 9-23:
       u nywš’g ky h’n rw’ng’n ’w wjyydg’n ’’wryyd, ’’wn m’n’g c’wn
       ‘škwẖ myrd [ky] dwxt ‘y nyq z’d hy, ’wd pd wryhryy ’wd
       ’gr’yyẖ ’byr hwcyyhr hy. ’wd h’n myrd ‘y ‘škwẖ ’w
       hwcyhryyẖ ‘y ’wy qnyycg xwyš dwxtr prg’ myyẖ cy ’byr
       h[wcyhr] [h]y. ’wd ’wy dwxtr ‘y hwcyhr [  ]. ’wš ’w
       š’ẖ hndyym’n [qwnyẖ] ’wd š’ẖ ’wy qnycg
       ps[ndyẖ ?] ’wd pd znyy nš’yy. ’wš [ ] pws ’cyyš
       z’ynd[ ] pwsryn ‘yš ’c ’w[y myrd ‘y ‘š]kwẖ dwxtr
       z[’d (remainder missing), "The Hearer that brings alms to the
       Elect, is like unto a poor man to whom a pretty daughter has
       been born, who is very beautiful with charm and loveliness. That
       poor man fosters the beauty of that girl, his daughter, for she
       is very beautiful. And that beautiful daughter, he presents her
       to the king. The king approves of her, and puts her into his
       harem. He has [several] sons by her. The sons that were born to
       that poor man's daughter . . . .". Throughout the story the
       parabolic optative is in use.
       2 For a similar parable see below, lines 258 sqq.
       3 zyyg: this word, hitherto unexplained, occurs in the
       Šābuhragān (M 470 V 14, spelt z‘yg). The sinners,
       roasting in hell, see the Righteous enjoying the New Paradise,
       and ask them: . . . ’wm’n . . . z‘yg ’w dst dyy[d ’wd ’]c ‘yn
       swcyšn bwzy[d] ". . . put a rope (or: life-line) in our hands
       and rescue us from this conflagration". Cf. Pahl., Pers.
       zīg, Nyberg, Mazd. Kal., 68.
       4 Possibly "weapons".
       5 Cf. Kephalaia, 192/3.
       6 Cf. āhīd-gar-ān below, F 43/4. For a discussion
       of āhīd see Zaehner; BSOS., IX, 315 sq. Perhaps one
       can understand Av. āhiti- as "something that causes shame",
       hence "stain", etc. In that case Anāhitā could be
       compared to Apsaras. As regards NPers. χīre, mentioned
       by Zaehner, this may be connected with Sogd. γyr’k
       "foolish". The word in DkM., 2058, is not necessarily hyrg-gwn
       (thus Zaehner, ibid., 312). It might be hyl- = Pashto
       xəṛ "ashen, grey, etc."
       p. 65
       1 Cf. supra, lines 206-212.
       2 On boγuq see Bang, loc. cit., p. 15, who has: "the door
       of the closed (locked) sun." Acc. to Enoch, chaps. 72 sqq.,
       there are 180 doors in the east one of which is opened each
       morning for the sun to pass through (the idea, familiar also
       from Pahlavi books, is of Babylonian origin).
       p. 66
       1 Cf. Enoch, 13, 9, ἠ̑λθον
       πρὸς αὐτούς,
       καὶ πάντες
       συνηγμένοι
       ἐκάθηντο
       πενθου̑ντε&#96
       2;
       κτλ.
       2 Cf. Enoch, 13, 4-6.
       3 i.e. the divine order for their punishment (Enoch, 10).
       4 [Other fragments of the same manuscript ("T i"), not however
       belonging to the Kawān, show that there were three columns
       to a page; hence, the correct order of the columns is: BCDEFA.
       Perhaps this text, too, is not a fragment of the Kawān.]
       p. 67
       1 murzīdan is "persecute, harass", not "show pity" as
       hitherto translated (S 9; Mir.Man., ii; W.-L., ii, 556, r 6).
       2 ghwd (Mir.Man., ii), ghwdg’n (Mir.Man., i), ghwyn- (ZII., ix,
       183, 27): the derivation of these words from vi + hū by
       Schaeder, Sb.P.A.W., 1935, 492, n. 3, is based on the
       translation I had given; this translation, however, was based on
       nothing but this selfsame etymology.
       3 Enoch, 10, 10.
       p. 68
       1 This passage in particular seems to show that the text is a
       fragment of the Kawān. There are two groups of sinners
       here: one is (apparently) to be transferred from a preliminary
       fire-prison to the permanent hell at the end of the world ( =
       the Egrēgoroi), the other consists of the
       κίβδηλοι ( = Giants).
       The digression on their final fate in the great conflagration,
       under the eyes of the self-satisfied Righteous (cf.
       Šābuhragān, M 470 V), is well in keeping with Mani's
       discursive style.
       2 w’y- (different from Parth. w’y- "to lead") = "to fly" or "to
       hunt" ? Cf. w’ywg "hunter" (BBB., where the translation should
       be changed), Air. Wb. 1356, 1407.
       3 My pupil I. Gershevitch thinks prβ’r should be derived
       from prβyr-. It is true that "explanation, announcement"
       fits most passages better than "chariot"! Hence,
       Mahāyāna rendered as "the great announcement" ?
       p. 69
       3 Enoch, 17,1: ὅταν
       θέλωσιν
       φαίνονται
       ὡσεὶ
       ἄνθρωποι. pts’δ,
       cf. Skt. praticchanda-.
       4 viz. the human associates of the demons, esp. the "daughters
       of men".
       5 viz. the giants and their children ? Or merely the children of
       the giants ? See below, S. to Syncellus (apud Fl.-R., p. 25)
       there were three generations: (1) the giants, (2) the
       Nephīlīm, their sons, and (3) the Eliud, their
       grandsons. In the Book of Enoch the giants are killed, or rather
       incited to kill each other, before the Egrēgoroi are
       punished (ch. 10). Their spirits shall roam the world, until the
       day of judgement, as
       πνεύματα
       πονηρά (15,8-16,1).
       6 This passage shows that the Sogdian text had been translated
       from either Middle-Persian or Parthian (MPers. ky myhryzd ’c nwx
       ’wyš’n r’y wyn’rd bwd, Parthian ky w’d jywndg ’c nwx hwyn wsn’d
       wyr’št bwd).
       7 ’nδyk probably = skill, art, ability (differently, BBB.,
       p. 105).
       8 See above, A 97.
       9 Fairly cursive, difficult to read.
       10 Probably by assimilation from Šamšai ( = Šimšai in Ezra).
       p. 70
       3 See above, G 28-9, and below, text M. According to Enoch, ch.
       8, the fallen angels imparted to mankind unholy arts and
       undesirable knowledge, e.g. astrology, cosmetics, soothsaying,
       metallurgy, production of weapons, even the art of writing (ch.
       69, 9).
       p. 71
       2 Presumably the stellar demons.
       3 Cf. JRAS. 1942, 232 n. 6.
       4 If Mani's famous Ertenk was indeed a picture-book, this
       Vifrās may well have been the explanatory text published
       together with it; cf. Polotsky's suggestion, Man. Hom., 18, n.
       1, on Mani's εἰκών (but see BBB., pp.
       9 sq.). There is no reason for "identifying" the Ertenk with
       Mani's Evangelion (Schaeder, Gnomon, 9, 347). The fragments of
       the Vifrās (M 35, M 186, M 205, M 258, M 740, T ii K, T iii
       D 278) will be published at some other opportunity.
       p. 72
       1 The point is that A eats or kills B, after B had finished C. A
       man killed his brother over the treaaure, but was killed by a
       third party, etc. The Great Fire will devour the bodily fire
       which had swallowed the "exterior fire". Hence, Ohya killed
       Leviathan, but was killed by Raphael.
       2 St. Wikander, Vayu, i [1941], 166, quotes my article on Enoch,
       and my paper in ZDMG., 1936, p. 4, and remarks that
       eigentuemlicherweise I had forgotten Al-Ghaḍanfar's notice
       on Sām and Narīmān. Less careless readers will
       find Ghaḍanfar's notice quoted in extenso on the page
       cited by Wikander.
       p. 73
       1 See above, A 98.
       2 Cf. above. A 105 sqq.
       3 Presumably the number of years supposed to have passed from
       the time of Enoch to the beginning of the reign of Vištāsp.
       The date for Enoch was probably calculated with the help of the
       Jewish world-era, or the mundane era of Alexandria (beginning
       5493 B.C.), or by counting backwards from the Deluge. Taking
       3237 B.C. (but 3251 B.C. according to the Coptic chronology) as
       the date of the Deluge (see S. H. Taqizadeh, BSOS., X, 122,
       under c), and adding 669 ( = from Enoch's death to the Deluge
       according to the Hebrew Genesis), and subtracting the number in
       our fragment, 3,28[8 ?], from 3,237 + 669 = 3,906, the resulting
       date, 618 B.C., agrees perfectly with the traditional
       Zoroastrian date for the beginning of Vištāsp's reign (258
       + 30 years before Alexander's conquest of Persia, 330 B.C.; cf.
       Taqizadeh, ibid., 127 sq.). From this one may infer that the
       famous date for Zoroaster: "258 years before Alexander" was
       known to Mani (Nyberg, Rel. Alt. Iran, 32 sqq., thinks it was
       invented towards the beginning of the fifth century).
       4 The name is possibly to be restored in Türk. Man., iii, p. 39,
       No. 22, R 5, where wy.t’δlp was read by LeCoq.
       5 In quoting this text in ZDMG., 90, p. 5, I took wyjn for what
       it seemed to be, viz. Vēžan. But as the appearance of
       Bēžan in connection with Vištāspa is incomprehensible,
       I have now restored [’ry’]n-wyjn, see above, G 26.
       p. 74
       1 For the spelling, cf. kwdws apud Theodore bar Kōnay.
       2 ’mwst = amwast = believer, faithful (not "sad" !), from hmwd-,
       Arm. havat-.
       4 Hardly "food" or "banquet" ? Cf. Parth. ’wxrn, etc. Also Budd.
       Sogd. ’wγr- (’wγ’r-) Impf. w’γr-, Inf.
       ’wγ’wrt, etc.) "to abandon" (SCE., 562; Dhuta, 41; P2, 97,
       219; P 7, 82; etc., appears to be of no use here.
       5 Cf. NPers. ǰehāniyān.
       6 Cf. Vd., ii, 20 ? But the Manich. fragment appears to describe
       the election of Yima to the sovereignty over the world.
       7 Cf. BSOS., X, 102, n. 4.
       8 šyrn’m is a karmadhāraya, = acclamation(s), cheering, cf.
       e.g. Rustam frg. (P 13, 5) prw RBkw šyrn’m "with loud cheers";
       it should not be confused with the bahuvrīhi šyrn’m’k
       "well-reputed, famous" (e.g. Reichelt, ii, 68, 9; šyrn’m’y,
       ibid., 61, 2, cf. BBB., 91, on a 11). But šyrn’m is also "(good)
       fame", see e.g. V.J., 156, 168, 1139.
       
       #Post#: 38623--------------------------------------------------
       Re: Book Of Giants
       By: patrick jane Date: April 11, 2022, 4:24 pm
       ---------------------------------------------------------
  HTML https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Mpgq6KtjwdE
       #Post#: 40034--------------------------------------------------
       Re: Book Of Giants
       By: patrick jane Date: June 7, 2022, 5:36 pm
       ---------------------------------------------------------
  HTML https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=DYx0GKRYsTs
       *****************************************************